Culture and Society in Syria

Syrian society faces significant challenges in the post-Assad era. Complex issues are emerging as the hoped-for recovery process—presumably unfolding across all tracks during the transition—advances. This recovery is part of a reconstruction effort that necessitates, first and foremost, the rebuilding of the Syrian individual as a citizen in a country aspiring to make the rule of law the fundamental basis for the authority’s role and its relationship with society—a relationship mediated through institutions and diverse societal forces.
In this context, the cultural sphere plays a pivotal role in reconstruction, while simultaneously posing a major challenge for both the authorities and the various currents and factions within society. Today, this dynamic manifests in the public sphere as an open conflict between what might be termed the cultural currents within Syrian society. It is a struggle driven by forces seeking to dominate the public space, standing in opposition to the values of pluralism, openness, dialogue, and mutual recognition—values that prevailed in Syria over the past century, despite the dark Assad era.

A Luxury´-or-a Necessity?
Reconstruction cannot be viewed solely in terms of housing and infrastructure for destroyed cities and towns-;- there is another vital dimension concerning the citizen, who constitutes one of the most essential infrastructural pillars—and must be prioritized accordingly, carrying no less importance than any other sector, such as education´-or-healthcare. Culture plays an active and influential role in the "New Syria," a role that is not the exclusive domain of the state and its institutions but belongs to society and its civil forces—including organizations, civic bodies, and the creators of cultural products (writers, artists, and cultural professionals) who serve as the driving force behind change and rebuilding. Constructive cooperation is what is presumed to lead to the anticipated transformation.
Current cultural work derives its significance from the tasks it undertakes—operating independently of state authority and without its interference. This independence is precisely where its capacity for influence lies, enabling it to address various issues, such as mitigating the effects of years of war and the profound, intangible repercussions on Syrian society—manifested in deep social divisions, a lack of dialogue, and an elevated tendency toward violence during crises.
Syria is one of the Arab nations characterized by ethnic, religious, and sectarian diversity. Within the broader context of the Arab culture prevalent in the region, this diversity is, in fact, a distinct asset. However, this diversity—which had long served as a source of cultural and social enrichment—was severely damaged by the policies of forced conformity and acute discrimination pursued by the former regime to serve its authoritarian and dictatorial agenda. With the Syrian revolution, cultural differentiation deepened into a profound schism. Today, this necessitates cultural strategies aimed at rebuilding the public sphere upon foundations of dialogue, shared interests, and a common identity, while working to mitigate the culturally charged conflicts and polarizations that are troubling Syrians more seriously than ever before.
Indicators of Conflict
Syrian society was not inherently prone to division´-or-violence, nor was it a breeding ground for extremism—at least not in the form witnessed from the onset of the revolution to the present day. While these phenomena have escalated dramatically, it was the Assad regime that generated societal violence starting in 1970. The regime helped create the historical, social, and security conditions that allowed extremism to take root, having itself played a role in fostering such forces—acting as a transit point and a patron for them since the late 20th century.
Policies of repression and the denial of rights have eroded the moderation and tolerance that once characterized Syria’s diverse society. The years of the revolution saw a significant rise in extremism, which particularly impacted the cultural landscape-;- efforts were made to dismantle established values, ideas, and cultural norms by suppressing their expression and curbing their spread—often to the point of outright prohibition and condemnation.
Indicators of this conflict—playing out between moderation and extremism, and between the real and the imagined—are evident in the importation of ideas that perpetuate a binary of "forbidden" versus "permissible" (haram and halal). Hardline forces view this distinction as essential for the post-Assad era. Guided by their own conception of their role, these groups seek to dominate the public sphere, imposing specific public conduct and appearance upon Syrian society. Exclusion stands as a primary indicator of this conflict and serves as the tool enabling these groups to control and steer society.
It is extremist ideologies and groups that have—and continue to—fabricate divisions and wage battles against Syrian society. They explicitly and alarmingly target the cultural, pedagogical, and educational spheres, aiming at Syria’s rising generation as well as civil cultural institutions-;- by seeking to stifle this movement, they aim to eliminate its very existence and influence—a dynamic that constitutes a genuine threat to Syrian society.

Signs of Recovery
The transitional phase is burdened by immense challenges stemming from the country s economic conditions—circumstances that make cultural initiatives appear superfluous, unworthy of attention´-or-pause. Yet, hardline factions know no bounds when it comes to instigating confrontation and stoking crises in the public sphere. Their actions range from interfering in the private lives of individuals and society at large to hijacking cultural platforms—as well as religious ones, given their role in socio-cultural life—to deepen divisions within Syrian society and pit groups against one another.
The current reality in Syria offers no promise that recovery is imminent´-or-that the conflict will soon subside. On the contrary, tensions are likely to escalate-;- we will witness further rounds of cultural confrontation—much like those seen in recent days—as these factions continue to challenge Syrian society wherever possible, targeting the cultural sphere as the country s most vulnerable flank.
Recovery requires a shift in the equation. It is natural for everyone in Syria to feel entitled to operate and be active in their chosen field—whether political, religious,´-or-cultural—as this is one of the fruits of the Syrian people s struggle and revolution for freedom. However, the absence of the rule of law to safeguard everyone s rights renders recovery elusive. As long as public and private freedoms remain under threat, societal values are distorted, and the spread of a culture of extremism goes unchecked, recovery remains out of reach.
The authorities bear a share of the responsibility for confronting this extremism, for attempts by loyalist groups to monopolize the public sphere, and for their exploitation of public facilities—such as mosques, cultural centers, publishing houses, and book fairs—to disseminate exclusionary rhetoric, while mandating certain activities and banning others. The salvation and resurgence of the Syrian people can only be achieved through the rebuilding of the individual, with culture—in all the meanings and connotations the word implies—serving as the natural foundation for this process.

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