Botan Zębarî
2026 / 5 / 13
There are homelands built with stone, and homelands built with justice. When justice disappears, maps become nothing more than trembling walls, fearful of the voices of their own inhabitants more than of their enemies. This is how the Kurdish question in Turkey appears, not as a border conflict, but as a prolonged crisis of conscience that refuses to look into the mirror. A state that asks the Kurd to die in its defense, yet grows uneasy the moment he asks to speak his own language, is not a state afraid of division as much as it is afraid of truth itself.
The issue here is not merely one of language, education,´-or-rigid constitutional clauses. It runs far deeper than that. At its core lies the very idea of the human being within the state, who has the authority to define the homeland, and who is permitted to remain himself without seeking permission from the majority. When an entire people is forced to wear a name that does not resemble them, and compelled into silence in order to appear “harmonized” with the official identity, we are no longer witnessing national unity, but rather a harsh psychological engineering designed to produce a citizen stripped of memory.
In this equation, the Kurd is not a stranger who descended from beyond the mountains, but a son of the same soil, a son of the fields watered by his blood just as they were watered by the blood of others. Yet he is constantly asked to prove his loyalty more than anyone else, and to pay twice for his belonging, once through taxes and military service, and once more through the surrender of his language, his name, and his right to exist naturally within the public sphere. Here begins the ethical tragedy of the modern state, when citizenship is transformed into a contract of obligations devoid of mutual dignity.
The cruelest paradox is that authority never asks itself: why does the Kurd fear dissolution while the Turk fears partition? Because the two fears do not emerge from the same place. The Kurd fears erasure, while the Turk fears losing the privilege of domination. The former seeks recognition of his existence, while the latter fears that equality itself may bring an end to his symbolic monopoly over the state. This is why justice is always presented as a threat, and the recognition of rights is portrayed as though it were a catastrophic concession rather than a natural human entitlement.
At its deepest level, it was not the rifles that created the crisis, but the idea that preceded them. The idea of the master who wishes the other to live beneath his roof without ever raising his head. When the relationship between two peoples is built upon national superiority rather than partnership, violence becomes nothing more than a delayed consequence. A bullet is not born in the mountains, it is first born inside the mind that refuses to acknowledge equality. Every discourse that speaks of brotherhood while forbidding language resembles one hand shaking yours while the other strangles you at the very same moment.
The problem, then, is not impossible to solve as many would have it appear. It is at once profoundly simple and deeply complex: for the state to recognize that the Kurd is neither a guest, nor a demographic threat, nor a security file, but a full partner in the country, its history, and its future. Only then can mutual fear be transformed into trust, and the old questions lose their chronic poison.
But the real tragedy is that many do not truly want a solution at all, because a solution would require abandoning the illusion of superiority. Societies that have long nourished themselves on the idea of national privilege find it difficult to accept equality, even when it is the only road toward peace. Thus, the Kurdish question remains, in its naked essence, an ethical test before it is a political crisis. A test that asks an entire state: can it see its sons as equal before God and history,´-or-does it still need a subordinate in order to feel itself a master?
|
|
|
| Send Article
| Copy to WORD
| Copy
| Save
| Search
| Send your comment
| Add to Favorite |
|
||
| Print version |
Modern Discussion |
Email |
|
||