The Political Program of the Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau) – 2026

Name:
The Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau)
Definition:
It is a party that adopts Marxism as a method of analysis, and is communist in both politics and organization. However, it has broken with many concepts and practices historically associated with communist movements.
The party expresses a willingness to open up to local social structures in order to adapt Marxism—both as a methodology and as a body of thought—to the cultural and civilizational identity of society.
Members of the party present a new vision of Marxism, viewing it as:
• An analytical method for understanding economic, social, and cultural dynamics
• A tool for forming a political vision that incorporates:
◦ Global dimensions
◦ Regional dynamics
◦ Internal realities
This vision is used to derive a political program suited to a specific time and place.
The party does not consider Marxism to be:
• A rigid doctrine
• A comprehensive philosophical worldview governing the universe or nature
Instead, it affirms that:
• A Marxist is free to hold any personal beliefs, whether religious or non-religious
• Individuals may practice religious rituals—or not—according to their convictions
Thus, Marxism is confined to:
• Economic
• Social
• Cultural
• Political domains
This creates a clear separation between personal belief and political party orientation.

Methodology:
The Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau) adopts Marxism as an analytical method applied to a specific time and place, based on the dialectic between:
• The general and the particular
• Internal and external factors
The goal is to:
• Develop a political understanding of reality
• Generate a political, economic, social, and cultural program appropriate to the current stage
The party remains committed to Marxism as a cognitive and analytical framework, especially in analyzing:
• Economic structures
• Social formations
• Cultural systems
• Political dynamics
This includes analyzing the interaction between internal and external forces to formulate its political program.

On the Party Identity:
The party retains the name “Communist” because it adheres to:
• The Leninist theory of party organization, particularly as outlined in “What Is to Be Done?”
The combination of:
• Marxist analysis
• Leninist organizational theory
forms the foundation of what is historically known as a Communist Party, as established since the founding of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1919.

Social Role:
The party defends the higher interests of:
• The impoverished classes
• Workers
• Wage earners (both manual and intellectual labor)

Nature of the Program:
This program is:
• Not a long-term strategic blueprint
• Rather, it is a transitional program, focused on:
◦ A specific phase
◦ Its strategy and tactics
Introduction to the Program
The Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau) operates along four main lines:
1. General National Line
Through this line, the party politically aligns with any forces it agrees with, regardless of their ideological positions.
2. General Leftist Line
In this line, the party aligns with:
• Arab nationalist leftist forces
• Kurdish leftist forces
• Marxist groups
on a national democratic basis.
3. Syrian Marxist Left Line
Through this line, the party seeks—together with other Syrian Marxist forces—to:
• Bring closer differing intellectual and political viewpoints
• Unite Syrian Marxists into a collective framework
This would:
• Bring together parties and movements under a central political leadership
• While maintaining their organizational independence
• As a step toward eventual unification into a single party with one political program
4. General Marxist Left Line
This line aims to:
• Foster convergence between communist parties in the region
• Promote ideological and political coordination among them

Defining the Current Phase
The Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau) considers the current phase in Syria to be:
A National Democratic Stage
This means:
Socially:
• A bourgeois stage
Economically:
• A capitalist-oriented structure
Legally and constitutionally:
• A phase requiring modern institutional development

Core Priorities of This Stage
The party believes in achieving transitional goals, including:
• National objectives
• Democratic transformation
• Socio-economic development
• Modernization
However, due to external dominance over Syria since 2011, the party emphasizes:
Priority of the National Dimension
Meaning:
• Preserving Syria as a unified state
• Resolving the crisis through a political settlement
Only after achieving this settlement should there be:
• A national struggle to end external domination over internal affairs

Strategic Perspective
The party views all other goals (democratic, economic, social, modernization) through the lens of the national question, and seeks alignment with other political forces on this basis.

Post-2024 Context
Following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime on December 8, 2024, and the rise of a temporary authority:
• Some features of the current stage are still unclear or evolving
• Ongoing foreign interventions (political and military) continue to shape Syria
These include:
• Powers supporting the new authority
• Powers opposing it

Current Priority: National-Democratic Reconstruction
This includes:
• Managing relations with external actors
• Rebuilding the internal political system
The party supports:
• A consensual political solution
• One that:
◦ Preserves Syria’s unity
◦ Ensures participation of all citizens in shaping the future

Theoretical Foundation
The concept of the national democratic stage is rooted in The Communist Manifesto, which argues:
• In pre-capitalist or underdeveloped societies:
◦ It is not possible to transition directly to socialism
◦ All stages of capitalism must first be completed

Possible Paths for Communists
Communists may:
• Form alliances to achieve the national democratic stage
• Lead capitalist transformation (as in China and Vietnam)
• Or lead a form of state capitalism, as occurred in:
◦ The Soviet Union (1917–1991)

Lesson from the Soviet Experience
• The Soviet system eventually collapsed because:
◦ Productive forces evolved
◦ They demanded new relations of production
◦ This led toward a market economy model
Which resulted in:
• The collapse of the one-party system
• The end of state capitalism
The International Situation
The current global situation was shaped by the collapse and disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, which led to the emergence of a unipolar world dominated by the United States.
Main Characteristics:
• The defining feature of today’s international system is American unipolarity
• The world is still largely governed by this single dominant power
What appears as:
• Russian influence in certain regions (including Syria after 2015)
is viewed not as a true challenge to unipolarity, but rather:
• As an attempt by Russia to recover from weakness
• Often occurring within a framework tolerated or enabled by the United States

On Emerging Powers
Attempts by major powers to assert themselves globally are not seen as:
• Genuine efforts to establish a multipolar world
But rather as:
• Efforts to regain influence and play regional roles
The most significant attempt to challenge U.S. dominance was:
BRICS (founded in 2009)
• Aimed at creating a multipolar world
• However, according to this analysis:
◦ The project has ultimately failed

The U.S.–China Dynamic
Since the era of Barack Obama, and continuing under Donald Trump, the United States views:
China as the primary challenger
This challenge is:
• Not primarily military
• But economic
China ranks:
• Second globally in economic size, after the United States since2010


Shift in Global Economic Power
There is a noticeable shift:
• From the Atlantic (U.S.–Europe)
• Toward East Asia
This shift has major implications:
• U.S. strategic pivot toward Asia
• Attempts to:
◦ Distance Russia from China
◦ Strengthen alliances with India and Japan
◦ Surround China strategically

Key Principle
A great power is defined not by:
• Military strength (even nuclear weapons)
But by:
• Economic power

Global Capitalism and Imperialism
The increasing concentration of global wealth:
• In the hands of a few countries and individuals
is seen as confirmation of:
• Lenin’s theory of imperialism (1916)

U.S. Global Dominance
The United States:
• Produces about one-quarter of global GDP
• Gains even more influence through:
◦ Multinational corporations
◦ Global economic integration
Other indicators of dominance:
• 9 out of the top 10 universities are American
• The U.S. leads in science and technology
• The American lifestyle has global cultural influence

On Globalization and Isolationism
The rise of:
• Isolationist tendencies in countries like:
◦ The U.S.
◦ France
◦ Germany
is not due to failure of globalization, but rather:
• Reactions to:
◦ Terrorism
◦ Migration
◦ Internal challenges within the European Union

Other Global Observations
Latin American Left
• Emerged to reduce dependence on the U.S.
• However, experiences like:
◦ Venezuela (since 1999)
◦ Brazil (since 2003)
are considered unsuccessful overall

General Conclusion
• The world is not moving toward multipolarity in the near or medium term

China’s Rise and Global Tensions
China’s economic growth may:
• Lead to global instability
• Possibly result in tensions or wars
This is compared to:
• Germany’s economic rise after 1871
• Which contributed to World War I and II

European Union
• Not expected to become an independent global pole
• Remains largely aligned with or subordinate to the United States

Russia
Under Vladimir Putin:
• Russia is not expected to regain its former global status
Instead:
• It plays roles as a regional power
• (e.g., Syria after 2015, similar to France in Libya 2011)
• Often within a framework influenced by the U.S.

Final Analytical Conclusion
• The analysis rejects wishful thinking
• It adheres to Marxist analysis of concrete reality
Key Points:
• U.S. unipolarity still dominates
• China presents:
◦ Economic and technological challenges
• Russia presents:
◦ Political and military challenges
Attempts like BRICS:
• Have not succeeded in creating a multipolar system

Internal U.S. Debate
There is a division within U.S. strategy between:
1. Military interventionism
◦ (Pentagon, neoconservatives)
2. Economic strategy approach
◦ (e.g., Trump-style policies)

Middle East Importance
Contrary to earlier views:
• The Middle East remains strategically important for the U.S.
This is evident in:
• Policies toward Iran

Key Strategic Position
The party believes:
• U.S. imperial dominance requires:
◦ A national program in every country
◦ To resist external domination
◦ And reduce dependency
This includes:
• Economic independence
• Political sovereignty
• Cultural autonomy
This is seen as a central task for Marxist leftists globally, requiring:
• Local
• Regional
• International alliances

Recent Developments (Post-2023)
Events following October 7, 2023 show that:
• The U.S.-led unipolar system remains strong
Even after:
• The Ukraine war (since 2022) suggested weakening
Subsequent Middle East conflicts:
• In Palestine and Lebanon (2023–2024)
• And the fall of the Syrian regime
have reinforced U.S. global dominance

Nature of Global Power
Global dominance is based not only on:
• Military superiority
But also on:
• Economic power
• Alliances
U.S. and its allies (EU, Japan, South Korea, Australia, Taiwan):
• Represent over half of the global economy

Emerging Global Bloc
After 2022:
• A bloc involving:
◦ China
◦ Russia
◦ Iran
has emerged as a counterweight
However:
• It has not yet created a multipolar world
• And likely will not in the near future
The Regional and Arab Situation
Following the end of World War I, most Arab and regional states came under:
• Mandates
• Direct control or influence of imperial capitalist powers
◦ Mainly Britain and France
After World War II, these countries gradually gained what was termed:
• Political independence
However:
• British and French dominance declined by the mid-20th century
• This created a power vacuum in the region

Rise of U.S. Influence
The United States moved to fill this vacuum through:
• Political
• Military
• Economic influence
This became clear with:
• The Eisenhower Doctrine (1957), following the Suez Crisis (1956)
Its goal:
• To counter Soviet influence in the region

Early U.S. Engagement
Even before 1957, U.S. involvement had already begun:
• The 1945 meeting between:
◦ Franklin D. Roosevelt and King Abdulaziz Al Saud
→ Marked the beginning of a strategic U.S.–Saudi relationship
• The 1953 coup in Iran against Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh
→ Restored the Shah
→ Signaled the transfer of influence from Britain to the U.S. in the Middle East

Cold War Dynamics in the Region
During the Cold War:
• The U.S. worked to:
◦ Limit Soviet influence
◦ Expand its own dominance
This included:
• Shifting Egypt away from the Soviet Union after 1974
• Signing the Camp David Accords (1978) between Egypt and Israel
Strategic Outcome:
• Egypt was removed from the Arab-Israeli conflict
• This enabled U.S.–Israeli dominance over the rest of the Arab world

Reshaping the Region
Further steps included:
• Weakening Iraq through the 1991 Gulf War
• Then the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq
This was framed as:
• A project to “reshape the Middle East”

Decline of Arab Regional Power
The weakening of major Arab states led to:
• The rise of regional non-Arab powers, such as:
◦ Iran
◦ Turkey
◦ Ethiopia
Examples:
• Egypt’s regional role declined with and after Anwar Sadat
• Iraq’s influence ended after 1991 and 2003
• Syria’s regional role declined after 2011

Saudi Arabia’s Role
Saudi Arabia:
• Rose in influence after the 1973 oil boom
• But its regional role declined after 2015
This decline became evident in:
• Iraq
• Syria
• Lebanon
As well as:
• Its prolonged involvement in Yemen since 2015
However:
• The U.S. later attempted to revive Saudi influence, especially:
◦ After the Riyadh Summit (2017) attended by Donald Trump

Regional Interference in Arab States
Regional powers have increasingly intervened in Arab internal affairs:
Iran:
• Influence via:
◦ Hezbollah
◦ Hamas
◦ Islamic Jihad movement in palestine
• Strong presence in:
◦ Iraq
◦ Lebanon
◦ Yemen
Turkey:
• Influence through:
◦ Islamist political movements
◦ Armed groups in Syria
Ethiopia:
• Influence in Sudan via:
◦ Support for southern movements

Forms of Influence
These interventions include:
• Supporting political parties
• Creating militias
• Influencing internal conflicts
• Even redrawing borders
Examples:
• Popular Mobilization Forces (Iraq)
• Houthis (Yemen)
• South Sudan’s independence (2011)

Fragmentation of Arab States
These developments reveal:
• Deep structural weaknesses in Arab states
• Many of which were inherited from colonial-era formations

Iraq as a Model (Post-2003)
Iraq illustrates this fragmentation:
• Society divided not only between:
◦ Pro-government and opposition in sadam husein era
But also over:
• Support for or opposition to the U.S. invasion
This extended to:
• Differing views on the U.S.-led occupation authority

Syria (2011–2024) in This Context
In Syria:
• Both the government and opposition (with few exceptions) relied on external support:
Government:
• Russia
• Iran
Opposition:
• U.S.
• Turkey
• Gulf states
This resulted in:
• Broad dependency on external actors

Conclusion on External Influence
• Iraq, Syria, and Yemen have all fallen under varying degrees of external control or influence

Political Systems Imposed on the Region
There is a trend toward:
• Promoting sectarian power-sharing systems
Example:
• Lebanon’s system since:
◦ The 1943 National Pact
◦ The Taif Agreement (1989)
Criticism:
Such systems:
• Allow greater foreign interference
• Undermine national sovereignty

Alternative Vision
The preferred model is:
• A citizen-based democracy, not one based on sectarian or communal divisions

Primary Contradiction in the Region
The main struggle in countries like:
• Iraq
• Syria
• Lebanon
• Yemen
is:
• Ending external control
• Achieving true independence

Other Tasks (Secondary but Parallel):
• Democracy
• Socio-economic transformation
• Modernization
These must proceed:
• Alongside, not against, the national struggle

Emerging Regional Trends
There is a growing shift toward:
• The Gulf becoming the Arab center in:
◦ Politics
◦ Security
◦ Culture
This follows:
• Decline of Egypt, Iraq, and Syria

Western Strategic Vision for the Region
There are efforts to:
• Create a Middle Eastern extension of NATO
This would include:
• Arab states
• In alliance with Israel
Objective:
• Confront Iran
• Potentially resolve the Arab–Israeli conflict under new terms

Internal Political Trends in Arab Societies
A recurring pattern in several countries:
• Algeria (1992)
• Tunisia
• Egypt (since 2013)
Is:
• Secularists, liberals, and leftists supporting authoritarian regimes
• Against Islamist movements
Even at the expense of:
• Democratic processes

Position on the Palestinian Issue
The proposed solution:
• A democratic, secular state across all of Palestine
Where:
• Arabs and Jews live with equal rights

Rationale:
• Failure of the two-state solution
• Failure of the “Greater Israel” project
• Impracticality of total liberation under current conditions

Rejected Alternatives:
• Two-state solution (due to settlements and Jerusalem issues)
• A Palestinian state in Jordan (proposed historically by Israeli extremists)

On Arab Identity (Arabism)
Arabism is defined as:
• A cultural and civilizational identity, not a political ideology
It is:
• Not tied to ethnicity
• Not compulsory
• Not necessarily adopted by all Arabs

Historical Context:
• Emerged after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire
• Produced political movements in the 20th century
However:
• These movements failed to dominate or unify the region

Modern View:
Arabism can:
• Be adopted by different ideologies (Marxist, liberal, etc.)
• Serve as:
◦ A framework for resisting imperialism
◦ Or a basis for economic cooperation (like the EU model)
The Syrian Situation (March 18, 2011 – December 8, 2024)
The outbreak of the Syrian crisis, beginning in Daraa on March 18, 2011, was an expression of the explosion of Syria’s:
• Political
• Economic
• Social
• Cultural structure
that had been shaped since March 8, 1963.
While the “Arab Spring” contributed as a trigger, the internal Syrian conditions were:
• Already highly combustible
There was:
• No original external conspiracy behind the outbreak
• Rather, an internal structural explosion
However:
• External actors later exploited the crisis
Notably:
• Many of these actors had previously maintained good relations with the Syrian regime (2004–2010), including:
◦ Turkey
◦ Qatar
◦ France
◦ Saudi Arabia
◦ The United States

Roots of the Crisis
The matter raises deeper historical questions:
• Did the roots begin in:
◦ 1946 (independence)?
◦ 1958 (union with Egypt)?
◦ 1963 (Baathist takeover)?
◦ 1970 (Assad’s rise)?

Nature of the Crisis
The party defines the situation as:
A “Syrian Crisis” (not a revolution)
It describes:
• A broad social protest movement
• But not a majority movement
Society was divided into roughly:
• One-third pro-government
• One-third opposition
• One-third undecided

Result: A Deadlock
This balance led to:
• Neither side able to defeat the other
• No bilateral settlement emerging
Which created:
• A prolonged and complex national crisis

Internationalization of the Conflict
Due to this internal stalemate:
• Regional actors intervened
• Then international powers (from 2012 onward)
The crisis became:
• International + regional + local

Impossibility of Military Resolution (2011–2015)
This manifests in:
• The regime could not fall through:
◦ Internal forces
◦ Regional forces
◦ International intervention

Call for Political Settlement
From early on (since 2011), the party advocated:
A comprehensive settlement
Because the crisis has three layers:
1. International
2. Regional
3. Local
Thus, any viable solution must include all three levels

Key Frameworks for Settlement:
• Geneva I (2012)
• UN Resolution 2254 (2015)
These remain:
• The foundation of any political solution

Dominance of External Powers
Over time:
• External actors gained control over:
◦ The course of the conflict
◦ The keys to its resolution
This resulted in:
• External dominance over Syrian internal affairs

Main Determining Actors:
• International:
◦ United States
◦ Russia
• Regional:
◦ Turkey
◦ Saudi Arabia
◦ Iran
◦ Qatar
The document emphasizes:
• International actors (especially Washington and Moscow) are more decisive than regional ones

Failure of Negotiations
Several negotiation rounds failed due to lack of major power agreement:
• Geneva II (2014)
• Geneva III (2016)
• Geneva IV (2016–2017)
Regional actors could:
• Obstruct negotiations
But could not:
• Successfully conclude them without international consensus

Key Social Observations
1. Relative Social Cohesion
Compared to:
• Lebanon (civil war)
• Iraq (sectarian fragmentation)
• Turkey (ethnic conflict)
Syria maintained:
• A level of social cohesion

2. Nature of Divisions
Divisions were:
• Political (pro/anti/neutral)
• Not purely sectarian
Though:
• Many minorities supported the regime
• Sunni Arabs were divided across all three camps(pro-anti-neutral)

3. Kurdish Position
Syrian Kurds:
• Maintained a middle position
They used the situation to establish:
• Autonomous administration (2014)
• Federalism proposals (2016)

Why No Civil War has been in syria2011-2024?
The document argues:
• The division of Sunni Arabs prevented:
◦ Full-scale civil war
◦ Complete regime collapse
Also:
• Economic elites (especially in Damascus and Aleppo) played a major stabilizing role and stand with the regime

Structure of the Syrian Regime
The regime relied on a tripartite alliance (1970–2024):
1. Military establishment
2. Bourgeois economic classes
3. Official religious sunni establishment

Economic Evolution
Syrian capitalism developed in phases:
• 1974
• 1991
• 2004
• 2011
There was a shift from:
• State capitalism → market economy
But under:
• A non-democratic authoritarian system

Weakness of the Opposition
The opposition suffered from:
• Organizational weakness
• Failure to:
◦ Understand political realities
◦ Translate events into a coherent political program
It is described as:
• Experiencing “political lag”

Examples:
• Syrian National Council
• National Coalition
They:
• Failed to achieve meaningful political impact

Exception:
• National Coordination body-NCB

Failure to Lead the spotaneous social revolt
Unlike historical examples (e.g., Russia February revolution 1917):
• Organized opposition failed to:
◦ Lead a spontaneous mass movement
◦ Provide direction and strategy

Social Fragmentation
During the crisis:
• Syrians became deeply polarized
• Dialogue between groups became nearly impossible
Each group:
• Trusted only its own narratives and media

Rise of External Dependency
Both sides relied heavily on foreign support:
Opposition:
• Turned to external powers after failing internally
Regime:
• Relied on:
◦ Iran
◦ Hezbollah
◦ Iraqi/Afghan militias
◦ Russia

Key Insight:
This reflects:
• Weak national cohesion
• Weak culture of internal political compromise

Missed Opportunity for Settlement
The push for settlement:
• Came mainly from international actors
However:
• The first internal call came early (2011):
◦ Halbon Conference (National Coordination body-NCB)

Rise of Violence and Extremism
The crisis revealed:
• A strong tendency toward violence across society
This was:
• Not limited to Islamist groups
• Also present among secular actors

Extremist Organizations
Syria became fertile ground for:
• Jabhat al-Nusra (Al-Qaeda affiliate)
• ISIS

Explanation (Marxist Analysis):
The spread of these ideologies is linked to:
• Economic and social conditions
• Not purely religious factors

Final Insight on This Phase
The Syrian crisis demonstrated:
• Structural internal weaknesses
• External dominance
• Failure of political actors
• Deep societal fragmentation
The New Syrian Situation Since December 8, 2024
The fall of the Syrian regime on December 8, 2024 did not occur as a result of:
• An internal Syrian force capable of overthrowing it
Rather, for accuracy, the regime’s position between:
• The fall of East Aleppo (December 22, 2016)
• And the Moscow Agreement between Russia and Turkey (March 5, 2020)
was militarily stronger than the armed opposition.
This relative strength continued until:
• The opposition offensive launched from Idlib toward Aleppo on November 27, 2024
Which ultimately led to:
• The collapse of the regime on December 8, 2024

Key Cause of the Regime’s Fall
The document emphasizes that the fall was primarily due to:
Shifts in Regional and International Power Balances
Regional Factors:
• The weakening of Iran’s regional axis
• Following:
◦ The Gaza war
◦ The Lebanon war
(after October 7, 2023)
International Factors:
• Russia’s weakening role in Syria
• Due to its engagement in the Ukraine war since 2022

Comparison with Earlier Period (2011–2015):
• The regime survived earlier because of:
◦ Iranian and Russian support
◦ With U.S. tolerance
• Its fall later resulted from:
◦ The weakening of those same supporting powers

External Determination of the New System
The future Syrian system is described as:
Not yet fully formed
And largely shaped by external actors, primarily:
1. The United States (most influential)
2. Turkey
3. Israel

Dual Reality:
• There is both:
◦ A “struggle over Syria”
◦ And a “struggle within Syria”

Lack of Sovereignty
Syria in this phase:
• Does not possess full independence
• External actors influence:
◦ Internal conflicts
◦ Political outcomes

Power Equation: The “Triad”
The emerging Syrian system will be shaped by:
Washington – Ankara – Tel Aviv
• U.S.–Turkey coordination is described as:
◦ Stronger than U.S.–Israel coordination on Syria

Limits on New Syrian Leadership
The new rulers in Damascus:
• Are constrained by this external power structure
• Cannot تجاوز (go beyond) it
Example:
• When they attempted to do so in Suwayda (July 2025)
→ They received a “warning signal”

Example of External Constraints:
Negotiations with:
• Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)
Are:
• Governed by these external power equations

On Ideology of the New Leadership
Even ideological tendencies (e.g., Islamist orientation):
• Will not determine the system
Instead:
• They will adapt to:
◦ External power realities

Overall Evaluation of the Regime’s Fall
The fall of the regime is described as:
A positive, historic turning point
• It closed:
◦ One of the darkest chapters in the Syrian history
• Achieved through:
◦ Great sacrifices by the Syrian people

However…
The new phase:
• Cannot be shaped by:
◦ One individual
◦ One political group

Required the Syrian Path Forward:
• A comprehensive national consensus
• Through a general national conference

Concerns About Current Trajectory
Ongoing:
• Violence
• Security chaos
Indicate:
• Serious flaws in the current transitional path

Warning:
• Any new dictatorship:
◦ Will lead to fragmentation and collapse

Key Principle:
• Monopoly of power (by an individual or ideology)
= A path to disaster

Tactical Vision
1. Building Broad Alliances
Based on:
• Equal citizenship (regardless of religion, ethnicity, gender, etc.)
• Fundamental freedoms:
◦ Political parties formation
◦ Media
◦ Protest
◦ Strikes
• A comprehensive political transition:
◦ Based on UN Resolution 2254
◦ Through a founding national conference

2. Position Toward the New Authority
• Not fixed or absolute
• Based on:
◦ Its actual practices
◦ Evaluated case by case

3. Priority: National-Democratic Reconstruction
Focus areas:
• Relations with external powers
• Internal state-building
• Overcoming territorial fragmentation

4. Solution Framework
The Syrian crisis:
• Remains ongoing
And can only be resolved through:
• A UN-led process
• Implementing Resolution 2254 in full

5. Equality of Citizens
All Syrians must have:
• Equal rights and duties
Regardless of:
• Ethnicity
• Religion
• Sect
• Region
• Gender
• Political affiliation

6. Secularism
The party defines secularism as:
• Separation of religion from the state
• State neutrality toward all beliefs
The state must not be based on:
• Religion
• Sect
• Ethnicity
• Ideology

Overall Conclusion
The post-2024 Syrian phase is characterized by:
• External dominance
• Internal instability
• An unfinished political system
And requires:
• A negotiated, inclusive, and internationally supported transition


History of the Syrian Communist Party (1924–2025)
Early Formation (1924–1944)
The roots of the communist movement in Syria date back to 1924, during the French Mandate period.
• The party initially emerged as part of a broader Syrian–Lebanese communist organization
• It operated under conditions of:
◦ Colonial rule
◦ Political repression
During this phase, its activities focused on:
• Anti-colonial struggle
• Organizing workers and intellectuals

Independence and Growth (1944–1958)
After independence:
• The party expanded its influence among:
◦ Workers
◦ Students
◦ Intellectuals
It played a role in:
• Political life
• Trade unions
• Public debates

Union with Egypt and Repression (1958–1961)
During the United Arab Republic (Syria–Egypt union):
• Political parties were dissolved
• Including the Communist Party
This led to:
• A decline in organized political activity

Baathist Era (1963–1970)
Following the Baath Party’s rise to power in 1963:
• Political life was restricted
• The Communist Party faced:
◦ Limitations
◦ Periodic repression

Assad Era and the National Progressive Front (1970–2000)
Under Hafez al-Assad:
• The party joined the National Progressive Front (1972)
This allowed:
• Limited legal political participation
However:
• Within a controlled political framework dominated by the ruling regime

Internal Division in the Syrian communist party(since 3 april 1972 when the party splitted into two factions:(THE SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY- PB and THE SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY – BAKDASH)
Over time, the Communist Party experienced:
• Multiple internal splits
These divisions were due to:
• Political disagreements
• Organizational conflicts
• Differing positions on:
◦ The regime
◦ International communist trends
The syrian communist party(political bureau)adoped opposition policy against the hafez al - assad regime,demanding the democracy, and that led the regime to the arrests campaigns against the party between 1980-1990, when hundreds of our comrades were arrested for above ten years, and ten of cormrades died under torture.

Post-2000 Period (Bashar al-Assad Era)
After 2000:
• There was limited political opening (“Damascus Spring”)
• Followed by renewed restrictions
The party continued to:
• Operate within tight political constraints

Position During the 2011 Crisis
With the outbreak of the Syrian crisis:
The party:
• Rejected:
◦ Violent escalation
◦ Militarization
• Called for:
◦ A political solution from the beginning
• Opposed:
◦ Foreign intervention

Political Line (2011–2024)
The party maintained a position:
• Independent from both:
◦ The regime
◦ The externally-backed opposition
It emphasized:
• National sovereignty
• Political dialogue
• Gradual democratic change

Role in Opposition Structures
The party participated in:
• Internal opposition frameworks
Most notably:
• The National Coordination body- ncb
Which:
• Advocated for:
◦ Internal political transformation toward democracy
◦ Negotiated settlement

Challenges Faced
During the crisis, the party struggled with:
• Limited influence on the ground
• Polarization of society
• Dominance of armed actors

Post-2024 Phase
After the fall of the regime:
The party sees:
• A new historical phase
Requiring:
• Reorganization of political forces
• Rebuilding of national political life

General Evaluation
The history of the Syrian Communist Party reflects:
• Continuous struggle under:
◦ Colonial rule
◦ Authoritarian systems
◦ National crises
It also reflects:
• Internal fragmentation
• Difficulty adapting to rapidly changing realities

Key Lessons
1. Need for unity among leftist forces
2. Importance of independent national decision-making
3. Necessity of linking theory with reality
4. Avoiding ideological rigidity

Conclusion
The party’s historical trajectory shows:
• Both:
◦ Persistence
◦ Limitations
It now seeks to:
• Play a role in shaping Syria’s future
• Within a:
◦ National
◦ Democratic
◦ Modern framework
Future Tasks and Political Program (Practical Vision)
General Framework
The Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau) defines its future tasks based on:
• The current national-democratic stage
• The realities of both:
◦ Internal conditions
◦ External influences
The program is:
• Practical and transitional, not theoretical or long-term ideological

1. National Tasks (Priority Level)
Ending External Dominance
• Work toward restoring full national sovereignty
• Reject all forms of:
◦ Foreign military presence
◦ External political control

Preserving Unity of the Country
• Maintain Syria as:
◦ A unified state
◦ Reject partition or fragmentation

Political Solution
• Implement a comprehensive settlement based on:
◦ UN Resolution 2254
Including:
• Political transition
• Constitutional reform
• Free and fair elections

2. Political and Democratic Tasks
Building a Democratic State
• Establish a system based on:
◦ Political pluralism
◦ Peaceful transfer of power
◦ Rule of law

Guaranteeing Freedoms
Ensure:
• Freedom of:
◦ Expression
◦ Political organization formation
◦ Media
◦ Assembly
◦ Protest

Citizenship-Based State
• Equal rights and duties for all citizens
Regardless of:
• Religion
• Sect
• Ethnicity
• Gender
• Political belief

Secularism
• Separation of religion from the state
• State neutrality toward all beliefs

3. Economic and Social Tasks
Economic Model
• Build a productive national economy
• Reduce dependency on external actors

Social Justice
• Protect:
◦ Workers
◦ Farmers
◦ Low-income groups
• Ensure:
◦ Fair distribution of wealth

Development
• Rebuild infrastructure
• Invest in:
◦ Industry
◦ Agriculture
◦ Education
◦ Healthcare

Combating Corruption
• Establish:
◦ Transparency
◦ Accountability mechanisms

4. Institutional and State-Building Tasks
Rebuilding State Institutions
• Create:
◦ Efficient
◦ Transparent
◦ Accountable institutions

Security Sector Reform
• Establish a professional national army
• Ensure:
◦ Its neutrality
◦ Its role in protecting the country (not controlling politics)

Judicial Independence
• Build an independent judiciary
• Guarantee:
◦ Fair trials
◦ Equality before the law

5. Social and Cultural Tasks
National Identity
• Promote a unified national identity based on:
◦ Citizenship
◦ Shared history

Cultural Development
• Encourage:
◦ Education
◦ Scientific research
◦ Cultural production

Rejecting Sectarianism
• Oppose all forms of:
◦ Sectarian
◦ Ethnic
◦ Regional division

6. Relations with External Powers
Balanced Foreign Policy
• Build relations based on:
◦ Mutual interests
◦ Respect for sovereignty

Reducing Dependency
• Avoid alignment with:
◦ Any single global or regional power

Regional Cooperation
• Strengthen cooperation with:
◦ Arab countries
◦ Neighboring states

7. Political Strategy
Alliance Building
• Form broad alliances with:
◦ National
◦ Democratic
◦ Leftist forces

Gradual Change
• Achieve transformation through:
◦ Political processes
◦ Not abrupt or violent means

Participation in Public Life
• Engage in:
◦ Elections
◦ Civil society
◦ Public debate

8. Long-Term Vision
While the current stage is national-democratic, the party maintains:
• A long-term perspective toward:
◦ Social justice
◦ More advanced social systems
However:
• These are not immediate goals
• Priority is given to:
◦ Current national and democratic tasks

Final Conclusion
This political program is based on:
• Realistic analysis
• Gradual transformation
• National priorities
It emphasizes:
• Sovereignty
• Democracy
• Social justice
• Unity

Overall Vision
The party aims to contribute to building:
• A free
• Democratic
• unified
• sovereign Syria
Based on:
• Citizenship
• Justice
• Modern state institutions


For communicatoin:
[email protected]
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