Syria and the class of Minorities

Syria and the Strata of Minorities
The so-called "minority problem" in Syria has recently exploded after the heir of Hafez al-Assad fled to Moscow, leaving behind—as the Syrian proverb goes—"the misery for those who remained." Some might be deceived into thinking this problem did not exist during the Assad era. So, what has changed to turn these minorities,´-or-sections of them, into tools of harassment and easy seeds in the hands of foreign powers, particularly Israel? This is happening despite exaggerated reassurances from the new era and a race to appease them, sometimes placing them above the rights of the average Syrian citizen.
Are minorities a single monolithic layer, as they appear to us? And why do they ally against the state, exploiting any movement´-or-demand to weep over "historical victimhood" and place themselves in the position of the victim? These are all logical questions, distant from the language of condemnation and accusations of treason-;- I am not passing judgment here, but rather presenting a bitter reality that Syria is experiencing after the victory over a family that shackled the country and drained its resources for 55 years.
To touch upon the answers to these questions, we must distinguish between the strata of minorities in Syria. When we understand the nature of these strata, their geographical affiliation, and their economic status, we will understand why these minorities have formed a stumbling block to the country s progress toward a better future for all.
The Most Prominent Groups
The most visible minorities on the Syrian stage are:
• The Alawites: (Formerly called Nusayris before the French Mandate, named after the founder Muhammad ibn Nusayr).
• The Druze: (Sometimes called the Muwahhidun Druze).
• The Kurds: (Referred to as al-Akrad).
• The Christians: (Historically sometimes referred to as al-Nasara).
Much has been written about minorities in the Arab world, but I was particularly struck by a brilliant book by the Palestinian-American author Hanna Batatu, who wrote about Syrian peasants and their classes (The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq and his work on Syria s peasantry). Anyone who reads his work will find many answers explaining this hostility toward the state and its institutions.
Plains Peasants vs. Mountain Peasants
Batatu divided the Syrian peasantry into several strata:
1. Plains Peasants: Such as the farmers in the Ghouta´-or-Homs. These are referred to as "farmers" because they are socially and culturally closer to the city than the village.
2. Mountain Peasants: This includes the Alawites, the Druze, and a large portion of the Kurds.
Plains peasants are characterized by ease of interaction and peacefulness due to their proximity to´-or-residence within cities-;- they are in constant contact with the urban population. Conversely, Mountain Peasants developed harsh temperaments due to the difficult lives they led. They originally fled to the mountains away from the cities out of fear of their surroundings,´-or-because they differed ideologically´-or-ethnically from the majority of the population.
If we look at the history of these mountain people, we find it begins with conflicts in their ancestral lands, leading them to seek refuge on the fringes of Syria to escape persecution. This anxious history fostered a "wildness" in their perception of the "Other" and ingrained a sense of victimhood, as they lived isolated from the complexities of city life.
The Case of the Christians and Ismailis
If we examine the issue of victimhood, we see that those who suffered most under Ottoman rule were the Christians. Most Christians in Syria are city dwellers´-or-from nearby villages—meaning they are "Plains Peasants," not mountain dwellers. However, they did not dwell on this victimhood´-or-weep over the past-;- instead, they integrated into Syrian society and became part of its social fabric since ancient times.
Similarly, the Ismaili minority, mostly residing in Salamiyah and the Ghab Plain, are "Plains Minorities." Consequently, they integrated into Syrian society like the Christians, and no protests´-or-objections to the new rule have been heard from them.
The Kurds: Two Distinct Categories
The Kurds are divided into two groups:
• The First Group: Residents of major cities like Aleppo, Damascus, and Hama. Many came as warriors with the Ayyubids, settled in cities, and integrated to the point that most forgot their mother tongue and became Arabized. This group includes figures like the King of Hama (Abu al-Fida), the historian and philosopher, as well as high-ranking officials and the first President of Syria, Mohammed Ali al-Abid.
• The Second Group: Those living on the peripheries´-or-borders. Most arrived following the massacres by the Atatū-;-rk regime, particularly after the Sheikh Said Piran uprising against "Young Turk" reforms. This history of displacement toward Qamishli, Malikiya, and Afrin was further complicated by the "Treaty of Sèvres" and the "Treaty of Lausanne," where Kurds were eventually labeled "Mountain Turks" and forbidden from speaking their language.
The Druze and the Central State
The Druze, categorized by Batatu as "Mountain Peasants," began migrating to the edges of Suwayda (Jabal al-Arab) in the early 18th century following internal power struggles in Lebanon. They sought the protection of the rugged mountains.
The Ottoman occupation contributed to future crises by focusing on tax collection without developing these regions, leaving mountain minorities with a form of self-administration. When Syria gained independence, the emerging state tried to manage the country with a central authority. Some minorities (like the Druze during the era of Shukri al-Quwatli) objected to central decisions, sparking a dispute that nearly toppled the state.
Conclusion
To understand the rebellions in Syria today, we must understand the nature of these minorities. Those belonging to the "Plains Minorities" are peaceful and integrated. The others, having lived in isolation and anxiety, have had their "historical victimhood" cemented by political leaders, making it difficult for them to integrate´-or-contribute as citizens to the building of the country.

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