Botan Zębarî
2025 / 11 / 9
A span of eighty´-or-even a hundred years is but a fleeting breath in the chronicles of ancient civilizations—yet it may embody the full lifetime of a dream´-or-a grand endeavor. Within that stretch of time, the wound of the spirit emerges: that pain we fear might turn us into nothingness´-or-despair. Let us, then, pause and contemplate. Despair is a betrayal of both destiny and will—for within every ordeal lies an unseen hope, and within every darkness, a light that dawns. That light need not be the glow of a promised salvation-;- it may instead be the awakening of consciousness within us, the guidance of wisdom in the art of governance. The task demands prudence, not mere waiting for a savior. Thus, we ought not succumb to pessimism so long as the warmth of existence lingers in the simplest acts of living—like the fragrance of a cup of tea. Blessed is the Creator who fashioned tea for me, and blessed is the hope that rises anew with every sip.
We have come to survey a panorama of two decades—from the 1990s to the dawn of the second decade of the new millennium—breaking the ice of that cold war which stood as an anomaly in international relations, where hot clashes were replaced by ideological and strategic frost. When the Berlin Wall fell, heralding the end of an era, it was no longer a secret that the Eastern Bloc was collapsing toward fragmentation. This downfall was not born overnight-;- its causes had long been accumulating—from the macro view of global rivalry between the two superpowers to the micro lens that examined internal tensions leading to the awakening of the Arab Spring.
The Soviet -union- was a vast project of social engineering—an idea that sought to reshape the geography of existence and consciousness—and in many respects, it succeeded. Yet the contradictions between Marxist theory and the realities of practice, alongside the inefficiencies in mechanisms of distribution and economic reproduction, drained its strength. The system could no longer bear the weight of superpower status nor don the robe of global hegemony on the stage of finance and armament. The enormous financial demands required to sustain vital foreign arenas—from the “Star Wars” program to military expansion—surpassed the state’s ability to endure. Financial weakness, after all, can topple even the mightiest fortress.
At the same time, internal foundations crumbled under the rise of national, religious, and social identities. A -union- of twenty-five dissimilar republics could not remain cohesive under the dominance of the Russian center that controlled the distribution of wealth and power. It was the awakening of suppressed peoples who could no longer be silenced forever. When President Gorbachev attempted to provide an answer through his policies of Glasnost and Perestroika—“openness” and “reconstruction”—his effort to repair and prolong the life of the machine became, ironically, the very catalyst of its final slip. To loosen chains after a long age of oppression is to free the spirit—and once the spirit is freed, the siege cannot last. The ensuing struggle between the hawks of the Party and the sages of reform shattered institutional consensus and hastened the collapse of the entire entity. Wisdom in transformation is necessity-;- rigidity in creed is extinction.
The Middle East has ever been the stage upon which great powers rise and fall. As the thinker Dmitri Trenin observed, the Soviet star ascended over the region after the Suez Crisis of 1956 and began its decline following the October War of 1973 and the invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Egypt’s withdrawal under Sadat, followed by Syria’s partial disengagement after the disengagement accords, revealed Moscow’s impotence in defending its allies´-or-sustaining their cause amid the American diplomatic onslaught led by Kissinger. The lesson was profound: the nations of the region sought liberation from imperialism—not the substitution of one empire’s cloak for another’s. Sovereignty was their supreme aim above all loyalties. This is a lesson modern Russia understood well when it later sought to reclaim its role through the same strategic gateway.
On the ideological front, Moscow soon realized that implanting a genuine communist movement in Arab soil was an unreachable dream—for the proletariat as Marx envisioned it did not exist there. Thus the Soviets adopted a pragmatic course, supporting national liberation movements under the banner of shared anti-imperialism, promoting a hybrid notion of “Arab socialism” as embodied by the Baath Party and others. This solution was an attempt to preserve a foothold through centralized planning and a command economy. Yet this forced marriage between nationalism and socialism quickly collapsed under the weight of its internal contradictions and the region’s rejection of any new form of dependency.
Amid this global disintegration, the Russian Federation entered a turbulent age under Yeltsin, sinking into a vortex of economic frailty and financial ruin that birthed a new oligarchic class. This class monopolized the nation’s wealth and undermined its stability. The greatest challenge, however, came from the fierce cry of nationalism in the Caucasus. The Chechen rebellion, led by former Soviet general Dzhokhar Dudayev, was proof that the wounds of national identity were still bleeding, and that the new -union- teetered on the edge of collapse—saved only by the efforts of later leaders.
The years from 1990 to 2010 were nothing but a stormy prelude—a subsequent chapter in the grand book of transformations, whose pages continue to be written in the ink of blood and hope, within the chronicles of human consciousness and the eternal freedom of the spirit.
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