In the World of Artificial Intelligence

April 12, 2025
A pause to reflect on the new book, "Capitalist Artificial Intelligence: Challenges for the Left and Possible Alternatives – Technology in the Service of Capital or a Tool for Liberation?", by Razkar Aqrawi, is essential. Its very subject matter makes it so. The lengthy title encompasses broad and important fields, each requiring deeper insight and knowledge, including the problematic nature of terms like "capitalist" and "leftist."
The author shows seriousness and responsibility by asking a legitimate and important question: "Why this book? And why now?" Any serious book, research, or work should start with this question. The seriousness of the question justified the author s caution and ambition. What also magnified the question s importance is that AI has rapidly gained extreme significance in various aspects of life, not only in its positive applications but also in its dangers and negative aspects. Its achievements are vast and perhaps nearly daily, in fields that are not easy to enumerate.

What applies to artificial intelligence also applies to all other creative human innovations. These are great achievements created by humans to serve them. However, their investment, application, and purpose harbor certain risks, including exploitation. Alongside the beneficial achievement, the negative side also emerges, with varying degrees of danger. The achievement itself remains neutral and positive, but the danger lies in how it is socially employed. This is perhaps where the possibility of using a term like "capitalist artificial intelligence" or other similar names arises, due to the role of ownership of the product s material base. The author poses a question with a significant social dimension: "Is technology in the service of capital or a tool for liberation?" Here, the term s denotative and connotative meanings become muddled, creating some confusion even among people of the same ideological orientation. The digital revolution is not the same as a social revolution, but it shares some of its characteristics to a certain extent.

The author describes himself as an "independent leftist." For example, the definition of "leftist" ignited extensive debates about 50 years ago, especially in the 1960s and 1970s. After those decades of contention, the description has become clearer today. On the other hand, the term has successfully drawn general lines around itself, embodying general and practical values in thought. Leftism, in its general framework, has become agreed upon among its different circles as a common denominator that holds more humanitarian values than others. It looks forward to a better future for the leftist s own country and the world at large. However, there remains an area that needs more clarity. The situation calmed down with the term being accepted in a positive and progressive sense. As for the issue of "independence" in a philosophical framework, no one is independent without some kind of bias, regardless of its content. The use of the word "independent" has become associated with one s position on a specific party or parties, i.e., being partisan or non-partisan. The same applies to the concept of "e-leftism," which is extremely positive if it remains within the bounds of using the digital space to serve humanity and without literal competition with existing structures on the ground, according to vision and class structure. A practical stance is also the call to the importance of overcoming traditional differences among leftist forces and focusing on their commonalities.

The word "independent" also carries connotations that require consideration. Individual independence grants a broad privilege in the field of self-autonomy. This situation opens a wide door toward a critical tendency and detachment from the internal pressures of any shared group. But this phenomenon also plays a negative role if viewed from a social angle. If leftist, progressive, or humanitarian ideas remain merely as viewpoints, they hinder revolutionary social action. No widespread social transformation will be achieved except through an effective organization with a known social change agenda. Its goals must be concerned with reforming human reality and reaching the widest possible social circle. The methods of achieving these stated goals remain a problematic issue that cannot be ignored and requires further studies.

The book contains 140 pages, divided into 15 chapters. Each chapter holds a set of sub-paragraphs. The introduction to the study itself was an important methodological clarification. It justified the book s content, motivations, and the moment it was conceived, emphasizing that AI has become like the air, surrounding humans all the time and everywhere. It has become a vital matter for every person in terms of knowledge or use. It confronts both the researcher and the recipient in: economy, politics, science, culture, thought, and creativity.

The author is accompanied by the obsession with social change, which is the primary and driving factor in the course of human history. So, it is no surprise that he touches upon the fundamental points of transformations: the reshaping of labor relations, modes of production, and the management of mass consciousness. Here, the legitimacy of the warning against the weak focus on the achievements of AI becomes apparent, as does the need to develop research and efforts regarding it, and not to leave this vital field to global hegemonic powers.

The leftist spirit of the author cannot be ignored in the method of publication. He prioritized making the work accessible to the widest circle of readers and researchers for the sake of public benefit. He adopted electronic publishing and distributed its link widely. Although he does not oppose paper publishing if there is a need for it, he did not restrict the book s usage rights, leaving it to the necessity of a sense of academic integrity. He calls for "liberating knowledge from the constraints of capitalism, copyright, and intellectual property, and ensuring its widest possible reach, far from the commercial barriers that impede and restrict the circulation of ideas."

Myth and legend, as the first processes of human thought about themselves and nature, have persisted to this day. The secret of their survival lies in their transformation into fictional literature, in which humans find a kind of enjoyment. Religions also remained because they gave humans a choice: believe or not believe. Believing provides spiritual sustenance and, at the very least, promises in the afterlife. Then, humans embarked on the path of research, accumulated their experiences, and passed them on to generations. They entered another, more complex and useful field by asking questions about what was happening around them. An extremely important question entered their world: "Why?" Thus, science and technology emerged. Here, the results of inquiries and the fruits of experiments began to accumulate. Every development, no matter how simple, took centuries. Due to the momentum of accumulation, progress began to move at a faster pace. In recent decades, it has started to take enormous leaps, making even keeping up a difficult task.

Capitalist forces impose their hegemony on the world. Their philosophy is based on profit, power, and deception. They began by disseminating wonderful-looking slogans that were empty of content or had an inverted meaning. But their near-absolute dominance was and remains an effective tool for passing off lies, illusions, and falsehoods. Here, the responsibility on the shoulders of leftist thinkers and activists has become great and important, and among its prominent fields is artificial intelligence; in fact, it is the most dangerous field. The role of algorithms and massive data clouds is not limited to technology and everything surrounding humans, but also to human consciousness, general data, and even daily events.

As the author sees it, leftist forces, both individuals and groups, can keep up with the enormous developments in the fields of AI usage. I don t think the discussion here is about the technical aspects (the material base). This field requires enormous investments, especially in the areas of equipment, technology, energy, water, and other requirements. The dream of liberating technology from the grip of major powers, capital, and monopolistic corporations remains a historical task on the path to liberating peoples and their economies and building the necessary material and technical base. The primary task is to limit the control of hegemonic states, especially in attempts to engineer human consciousness to serve their interests.

First, there must be work to inform people about the important role of the digital revolution. The author also sees the necessity of working to expand the use of artificial intelligence against all attempts to distort public consciousness. He urges efforts to deepen its use in educational, pedagogical, health, and other public social services. And to work on removing the obstacles that stand in its way, especially the lack of electrical power, communication and internet networks, and computers. The ability to adapt to tangible and surrounding circumstances is not a monopoly of capitalism. Leftist forces must adapt themselves to overcome the obstacles in their path. Regarding capitalism s cleverness in the field of flexibility to protect its system, the author points to this matter by saying: "Capitalism, at times, borrows and employs some Marxist and socialist ideas when needed, such as state intervention, support, and compensation for marginalized groups, but only as temporary measures and reforms aimed at stabilizing the system" (p. 11 of the book).

A significant point of attention was the emphasis that flexibility should not descend into the abyss of compromising liberation principles. The author calls for: "The effective use of modern scientific tools, not only to accurately analyze social, economic, and political issues but also to develop a scientific and realistic political discourse, and flexible organizational mechanisms capable of expanding the left s base and attracting the masses..." A feature of the current digital revolution is that it has unleashed the spread of information to reinforce its monopolies. But this has had other consequences related to the speed and breadth of data dissemination. From another perspective, this reality serves public awareness and deepens the state of attention to the course of developments in our world.

The author draws the attention of leftist forces, individuals, and groups to the varying weaknesses in most of their ranks regarding the field of digital usage, especially "in a clear political vision for the use of technology to serve the struggle." This is at a time when it should be seen as a vital part of the social struggle. There is a digital hegemony of capitalist forces, but this hegemony should not impede the efforts of leftist forces; rather, it should call on them to make more efforts to break through. There are tangible struggle roles, especially in developing countries. In addition to the struggle for universal and compulsory education, there must be a call for the introduction of artificial intelligence into schools at all stages. Such tangible demands are important in deepening the content of the national struggle and enhancing its legitimacy, as is the case in political, social, and economic struggles. Reducing digital illiteracy within leftist organizations is no less important than fighting illiteracy in its general sense.

The capitalist system uses any development achieved in the fields of science and technology for its own benefit. That progress or development has turned into a tool of oppression and control. AI has been used to reshape consciousness according to the will and interests of monopolies, which seek to collect and analyze information at high speed, control the flow of information, and design its effects on public consciousness. Reducing the digital gap requires developing an independent technological infrastructure for leftist and progressive forces and organizations, not just limited to social media sites or publishing statements on the internet. The author asks about the position on current AI applications. Despite the serious difficulties surrounding this topic, he provides a moderate answer that balances the "yes" and "no." Let s invest what s useful and possible and be wary of potential dangers. At the same time, the left is required to create the components to build its independent effort. The stance on this complex matter can be summarized as follows: awareness, caution, and building. The author concludes with the following result: "But resisting this hegemony cannot be done individually or in isolation; it requires building leftist internationals and progressive digital alliances capable of imposing progressive technical alternatives, and enhancing cooperation and coordination among leftist and progressive organizations, labor unions, human rights organizations, and those interested in technology."

The current digital revolution has achieved huge and valuable achievements and innovations. Artificial intelligence has become an important factor in all aspects of human and national life. This technology is used in various fields: medicine, education, interactive learning systems, healthcare, disease diagnosis, industry, agriculture, media, transportation, and more, as well as in data analysis, control, and management. If we take an application in the field of higher education, for example, a third of the study period used to be dedicated to collecting university study sources, including six months allocated to collecting sources for a university thesis. Now, a large part of the information is directly in the student s hands. This, from a practical standpoint, has given the student a great gain in terms of saving time. However, at the same time, one must continue to be wary of the biases exercised by major search engines and platforms programmed to serve the interests of the capitalist class and its various orientations. The researcher must be cautious of attempts to flatten the digital space and flood it with inaccurate or capital-oriented data, despite the competition between its major centers.

The book touches upon the types and levels of artificial intelligence. It points to the most used ones, such as "instant translation, image recognition, voice assistants, spell-checking, and text generation, among others." Then it refers to general artificial intelligence (AGI) that is capable of thinking and solving problems in multiple fields, in the same way the human brain works, and finally, superintelligence. He did not lose sight of the fact that these important technologies are managed by capitalist companies and entities, which put their class and profit interests first, making these technologies non-neutral, "but rather a reflection of the class structure of the system that produced them."

All letters and words in all languages are inherently neutral. But they are sorted, oriented, and aimed by their users according to interests and goals. This applies to algorithms and technology. This reality does not call for neglecting these important technologies, but rather calls for dealing with them on the basis that every wall has a window that can be used and developed. The author s description of the capitalist vision of artificial intelligence was accurate. It is "a tool for maximizing profits and exploiting data and knowledge under capitalism." Its primary goal is based on "maximizing profits at the expense of social justice and human rights." As companies advance in the use of AI that replaces workers, unemployment increases. We now have many tangible cases in this regard, especially in the labor market. The result for companies is an increase in profits and unemployment cases.

The author reveals the reality of data exploitation under digital capitalism. Personal data in an atmosphere of monopoly has turned into unpaid work. The comparison he made was extremely accurate, saying: "In the industrial economy, exploitation occurred by paying wages that did not reflect the true value of the work. But in the digital economy, human behavior and data itself have become a source of value." The conclusion in this field was a beautiful description of bitterness: the line between work time and free time has been erased, every moment an individual spends in the digital space has turned into a continuous production of data, and the internet itself has become a 24-hour digital factory. The author also compares surplus value in factories, farms, and institutions with surplus value in the digital space. The degrees of interference in information vary, even in important and daily events, as is the case in the media. About a year and a half has passed since the Israeli war against Gaza and the entire Palestinian people. Those who watch Al Jazeera feel the violence and danger of the war in Gaza. When they switch to Al Arabiya or Sky News, they feel that the world is relatively calm, and the same is true for the media of major countries, despite the relative variation, each according to its interests. Artificial intelligence s role is no less important than the media, but its tools are more flexible and cunning.

The book pauses at an important point related to "digital alienation," pointing to "the negative effect of excessive reliance on artificial intelligence in building human mental and creative capacities." It warns against "deepening superficial consciousness and weakening basic human skills," which leads to the production of human alienation and digital addiction in a new form. In one aspect of the platforms services, a new pattern of enslavement is achieved as a result of addiction, where individuals gradually lose their ability to live outside the digital framework. It is a kind of voluntary digital slavery.

The book provides illustrative charts that show the movement of the main topics: an analytical comparison between the digital and traditional surplus value models, digital capitalism and economic exploitation, the negative effect of artificial intelligence on humans, gender bias in artificial intelligence, artificial intelligence as a tool of hegemony and control, struggle strategies, challenges and needs, various data sources, the challenge of information monopoly, improving policymaking and promoting transparency and intellectual dialogue and organizational democracy, leftist content sources, current AI and the socialist alternative, digital capitalism, the traditional left, the left that keeps up with technological development, intellectual control - artificial intelligence, the erosion of human capabilities, social impact and class control, the reproduction of class hegemony, and a table of the leftist vision - the axis - the capitalist vision. The formulation of these illustrative charts was brilliant and accurate; it is a roadmap for organizing and assimilating the information referred to. They are almost the essence of the entire work. They help the serious researcher to focus on the vital nerve in the author himself. They also provide a useful opportunity even for those with fleeting and hasty interests.

The book raises important topics related to many fundamental issues. I will suffice with pointing to them: artificial intelligence and the Third World, the weakness of gender neutrality in artificial intelligence and the failure to adopt full equality, and artificial intelligence as a tool for control, political oppression, and human rights violations. It also provides important data on: digital frustration, digital arrest and assassination, in reference to imposing arbitrary restrictions on the accounts of individuals and groups, and suspending them temporarily or for different periods, or deleting them permanently. This can be considered a form of digital assassination through various carefully chosen pretexts, such as: "violating community standards" or "promoting violence" or "promoting terrorism" and so on. It provides conclusive evidence of the behavior practiced by social media platforms against Palestinian content that documents Israeli crimes against civilians during the current Israeli aggression on Gaza. The majority of people have learned this fact through their interactions with their accounts on these platforms.

A clever point was the discussion of the issue of the erosion of democracy through the use of artificial intelligence in so-called long-standing democracies. The role and influence of elections as one of the mechanisms of Western democracy has begun to erode in social life. The role of political money has risen, and transparency has decreased through artificial intelligence by means of obscuring and massive flooding with vast, especially misleading, data. The author gives a vivid example of the intervention of the right-wing billionaire Elon Musk in the German elections of 2025 through his platform "X" (formerly Twitter), where he directly supported the far-right "Alternative for Germany" party by promoting AI-targeted content on his platform, which affected public opinion and reproduced political polarization in favor of right-wing and neo-Nazi forces. And we say: the same is true in the last American elections.

He addresses the environmental impact of artificial intelligence under capitalism, where enormous quantities of water, energy, and minerals are used. "Reports indicate that Google s data center in Iowa consumes about 3.3 billion liters of water annually to cool its servers," "to process huge amounts of data and train algorithms." The use of massive quantities of electricity, water, and minerals without calculating their effects on humans and the environment portends many serious dangers. The danger does not stop at these incidental limits; artificial intelligence is used in wars and the development of lethal weapons. Some countries, such as America, Russia, and China, have developed drones that make autonomous combat decisions without direct human intervention. Artificial intelligence is also used to target countries vital infrastructure, such as financial systems, power and water networks, and essential facilities.

The mere proposal of a leftist alternative to artificial intelligence is a very bold step. The author acknowledges the difficulties of this task, but the thread of hope remains tied to the necessary efforts of all local and global leftist forces. Just opening the dialogue about it means a lot—it means an appropriate degree of awareness and understanding of the situation and the surrounding climate. The section in the book, number 6, which includes 10 paragraphs and is located between pages (60-73), is of special importance. The core of the task in this regard is to liberate artificial intelligence from hegemony and turn it into a revolutionary tool. There is no doubt that the task is more than just difficult because it requires strong and deep determination, concerted efforts, and confidence in the general will. The start is from what is available and possible towards the necessary development. This task is destined to succeed when every person and group asks the question about their possible role in this field of extreme importance and usefulness.

The book presents proposals for this noble task, which in short include, and we will list here as headings: developing neutral, democratic, and open-source systems, making those systems a tool for achieving social justice and promoting equality in the labor market, dealing with artificial intelligence as a realistic tool for scientific liberation and promoting creativity, opening the way for social control to ensure its use with genuine justice, ensuring efficiency in production and distribution, ensuring women s rights and equality, ensuring the use of artificial intelligence to protect human rights, launching its role to protect the environment, taking it as a means to promote global peace instead of using it as a tool for wars and destruction, and finally, turning it into a means and tool to support democracy and popular participation. This ambitious program assumes and requires efforts, determination, energy, and persistence that are appropriate for it. The proposals presented represent an accurate understanding of the tasks and dangers of the current situation in the worlds of the "digital revolution."

Those ambitions identified by the author cannot find a place on the ground without a tangible and movable action plan and a gradual implementation plan for it. On this basis, he calls for starting by unifying and coordinating efforts at the global level by building digital leftist internationals to confront the hegemony over artificial intelligence. He, more than anyone else, acknowledges the great difficulty of the task, but not taking up this important issue means vacating the field for the forces of profit, injustice, and hegemony. The author mentions among the tasks of building this digital international that it requires securing independent financial resources that rely on the support of leftist and progressive organizations. It is self-evident that hegemonic forces will resort to various measures to obstruct. This requires preparation by developing proactive strategies that allow for the development of alternatives that resist technological oppression and stand up to monopoly and capitalist competition, considering this an urgent struggle necessity.

The research reaches an important question about how to view the reality and applications of artificial intelligence in the current hegemonic circumstances. "Can leftist forces use current artificial intelligence applications?" Here, he does not rush to the dichotomy of acceptance or rejection. Here, the author outlines a position for the leftist forces, emphasizing that it is "not enough to accept this technology as it is; it must be viewed with a critical eye, deconstructed, and analyzed carefully, with the aim of employing it to serve the goals of social liberation, justice, and equality. This does not mean completely rejecting or accepting current artificial intelligence, but rather using it as a tool that serves the socialist change project in a precise, thoughtful, and cautious manner as much as possible, while developing systems that protect individual privacy and organizational information from penetration." He handles the matter with precision at the level of benefits and risks with a vigilant revolutionary spirit. The book includes a table and a comparison from pages 103 to 107 to clarify the differences between the capitalist and leftist visions of artificial intelligence on more than one level and field: the goal, ownership, effect on the labor market, data control, algorithm control, and others.

Leftist forces do not have the luxury of creating animosities among themselves, especially with the rising level of aggressiveness among the global hegemonic forces. Today, there is a real need for all genuine leftist forces to join efforts. Let s take a look at the political life over many past decades and what important conclusions can be drawn about its internal conflicts, not just impressions of those conflicts. The experience can be summarized as follows: When the spark of an internal conflict ignites in one party or among several parties, that position objectively requires a response to the opposing party. During the course of these conflicts, the points of contention become central to each party, which leads to an escalation of name-calling and the neglect of the conflict with the class enemy. The detailed differences in interpretations turn into a central point that may even become a justification for existence. This dangerous situation requires those who are genuinely concerned to pause and reflect on it, in the hope of creating real solutions to learn the grace of listening to the other s comments and addressing them in a non-hostile manner or as appropriate. And to work on setting a gradual scale of confrontation tasks to limit the internal damage, which only serves the channel of the class enemy.

The author made an assumption that needs more definition, at least in terms of the required matters, so that it is not misunderstood, and that is in the saying: "But the transformation cannot happen without a major change in the political and organizational structure of the leftist forces themselves, and in their view and handling of technology" (p. 129 of the book). This remark does not negate the author s clarifications and his call for the necessity of developing the left s capabilities in the technical field. He considered the struggle in the digital space should turn into an organic extension of the socialist struggle on the ground. And that the digital space should be an extension of the field labor and mass movement. The link between the technological struggle and the class struggle on the ground is necessary. He added a lot that can be considered a retraction that removes the wrong understanding of this remark.

Finally, the author poses an important and provocative question that fuels existing preparations and develops their current situation. "Are we, as leftist and progressive forces worldwide, truly ready to enter this complex, long, and multi-front digital war?" He adds: "We have no choice but to confront it. And let this digital battle be a new birth for a braver, more radical, more scientific, and more capable left to lead its era" (p. 133 of the book). Here, the question remains open, and the way it is dealt with may differ depending on the degree of openness of the left concerned with this remark.

Ultimately, the book is a serious contribution to creating an appropriate awareness of artificial intelligence and its importance within a clear progressive class vision, in terms of both intellectual and practical and applied activity. It was scientifically clear in painting a picture of the nature of the great achievements of artificial intelligence. On the other hand, the book covered all the dangers surrounding humans and nature as a result of the goals and nature of capitalism surrounding this great human achievement.

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