When Betrayal is Written in Kurdish -script-

The wind that blew from the Qandil mountains was not merely a passing breeze-;- it was the voice of a land groaning under the weight of an agreement that died on paper but still governs through prisons and exile. Lausanne, that document signed in the absence of the Kurds at the decision-making table, was not the end of the road but the beginning of a long stretch of deliberate forgetfulness, of geographical and psychological dismemberment of the Kurdish body. Yet today, as if history is repeating itself in a new episode, the lines of the Middle East map begin to change—not due to tribes´-or-sultans, but through a precise design by forces that were never allies, yet today, perhaps for the first time, see in the collapse of the old map an opportunity to redefine the region. The United States, France, Britain, and Israel, each with its own calculations, are moving towards a new arrangement, where the borders of 1923 are no longer sustainable. And because Turkey knows well that this new map may threaten its strategic entity, it has begun to rush—not with tanks, but with words, with whispers, with promises that resemble poisoned honey.

In another corner, there is a man imprisoned in Imralı-;- prison, his name is Abdullah Ö-;-calan, the founder and leader of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). Now, the Turkish regime, which arrested him, condemned him, and turned his life into a prolonged siege, is now sending soft messages, in-dir-ect appointments, offers of "reconciliation," with conditions: just announce the dissolution of the party, lay down your arms, speak your word, and we will release you. As if freedom can be bought with a single word, as if the long struggle across decades can be reduced to a press statement. But behind this offer, there are not good intentions, but much harsher calculations. Turkey does not only fear the weapon-;- it fears the alternative project, it fears self-administration in Western Kurdistan, that experiment which turned shattered cities into a model of coexistence, where women lead, diverse ethnicities consult, and democracy is practiced with real blood. Thus, the release of Ö-;-calan is not an end in itself, but a means to justify the end of this experiment, for if it continues, it could become an uncontrollable contagion.

And here, the old ghost rises from its grave—the ghost of Hassan Khairy, the Kurdish deputy who once stood in the Turkish parliament in his authentic Kurdish attire, not seeking distinction but recognition of identity. Atatürk asked him to send a telegram to Lausanne stating that the Kurds accepted to live with the Turks and had no claim to an independent state. Khairy did so, the Europeans signed, and the discussion about Kurdistan ended. Days later, he was executed. On the gallows, he said, "Dig my grave on the road where Kurds pass, so they may spit on me every time they walk by." Words that can only come from a heart burning with fire, from a man who knew he had sold the pivotal moment between slavery and freedom. He was not a traitor by intent, but a victim of an illusion created by a system that knew exactly how to use words instead of bullets when needed.

Now, after a hundred years, the same game is being played again. The same tools, the same scenario, the same characters with different faces. Erdoğ-;-an plays the role of Atatürk, Ö-;-calan is the new Khairy, the prison is the place, and the telegram is the request. The only difference is that the world today is not what it was in 1923. The truth cannot be hidden behind the curtain of diplomacy, for the cameras are recording, public opinion is being heard, and the people know that freedom is not granted through deals, nor is it built on deception. The international community, led by the United States and Israel, may not be a permanent friend, but today, at this very moment, it sees the end of Turkey s dominance over northern Syria as a strategic opportunity. This does not mean trust should be granted, but that the opportunity must be seized.

The Kurdish people, the administration of Western Kurdistan, and Ö-;-calan himself must read history not as painful drama, but as a living warning. The same mistake cannot be repeated in the name of peace, nor can the national project be served on a silver platter in exchange for promises that have nothing but the echo of truth. Cooperation with international powers is not to be rejected, but it is necessary on the condition that it is not at the expense of the essence. No compromise on the right to self-determination, no compromise on the democratic experiment, no compromise on the blood that was shed to keep Rojava alive.

Betrayal does not always wear the face of an enemy-;- sometimes it comes in the guise of a friend, with a smile, with a deal, with a telegram. And when history is written, people will not be asked about what they did, but about what they were silent about. Therefore, let the Kurdish stance be clear: we are not seeking forgiveness from anyone, nor waiting for permission to exist. We have been here since time immemorial, and we will remain, not only with weapons, but with will, with an indelible memory, and with lessons from the past that will not be ignored. Because those who forget Hassan Khairy deserve to be spat upon, not just on his grave, but at every step they take towards the future.

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