Prospects of Worker Communism

Prospects of Worker Communism

Worker Communism, Hikmatism – Where To? Part One

Originally published in Arabic – 29 June 2012

A dialogue with the dear comrades of the Worker-Communist Parties of Iraq: The Worker-Communist Party of Iraq, the Left Worker-Communist Party of Iraq, and the Worker-Communist Party of Kurdistan
Part One

Introduction
After the collapse of the socialist bloc, most of the left—across its various currents—entered a deep political, ideological, and organizational crisis. It was during this period, in the early 1990s, that the current of “Worker Communism” emerged as a radical, bold, revolutionary leftist faction committed to Marxism. It developed through various scattered and often rival organizations, the most prominent of which was the “Communist Current” organization,[1] the largest and most structured faction. Most of these organizations were founded in the 1980s in Iraqi Kurdistan and were actively involved before and during the 1991 uprising in Kurdistan. They advocated for popular and workers’ councils, even proposing a workers’ government as a political alternative. By the end of 1991, they had become one of the main opposition forces in Iraqi Kurdistan, fighting both the Iraqi regime and the ruling Kurdish parties, and leading massive and influential demonstrations against the Ba athist regime and the Kurdish Front, which controlled most of Kurdistan at the time.
The Iranian Communist Party[2] had a significant influence on the growth of the revolutionary Marxist and later Worker-Communist current in Iraqi Kurdistan, especially among the nationalist Kurdish left and dissidents from the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). The Iranian party enjoyed a degree of openness and freedom of movement in Iraqi Kurdistan due to agreements between the Ba athist regime and most Iranian opposition factions operating in Iraq. This facilitated access to a wide base of discontented Kurdish leftists through media outreach, radio, and direct contact, with minimal repression or restrictions.
After the failure of the 1991 uprising and the Ba athist regime’s withdrawal from Kurdistan, Worker-Communist organizations became very active in cities and towns across Kurdistan. In 1992, the Worker-Communist Party of Iran[3] was founded as a split from the Iranian Communist Party, and efforts began to form the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq.[4] At the time, Iraqi Worker-Communist organizations were in intense conflict, which spilled into the political, mass, and even personal arenas. Nevertheless, Mansoor Hekmat decided to form the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq from these organizations voluntarily, as a continuation of the Iranian experience. Leadership positions were divided among the organizations according to a system of political and organizational quota-sharing. Unfortunately, they brought their conflicts into the new party, which persisted for years and consumed vast energy.
The Worker-Communist Party of Iraq was declared in 1993, developing a strong base in Iraqi Kurdistan and only a very limited presence in central and southern Iraq. It opened offices in several Kurdish cities, and this development could have continued and expanded had there been a more coherent, realistic political line, greater clarity of vision, and accumulation of political and organizational experience. The party also needed a cohesive leadership presence inside Iraq with an Iraqi-oriented outlook. However, most of its leadership moved abroad, particularly to Western countries, under the influence of the Worker-Communist Party of Iran, despite the lack of serious security threats. The leadership abroad remains in actual control of the Worker-Communist Parties of both Iraq and Iran. As is well known, it is crucial for leftist party leadership to be with the masses, inside the country, leading and engaging with their struggles on all levels.

The Theoretical Framework, Mansoor Hekmat, and Hikmatism!

Mansoor Hekmat is considered the intellectual and spiritual founder of the Worker-Communist current. Many of its adherents first encountered Marxism through his writings and studies. Some even believe that there has been no significant Marxist thinker after Marx and Engels except Hekmat. His works, mostly written in the 1980s and 1990s, continue to be translated and used as guiding principles and policy foundations. While his intellectual contributions to the defense and development of Marxist thought are significant and valuable, his practical role was often highly negative, particularly in terms of ideological rigidity, partisanship, institutionalism, and collective leadership, as follows:
1. He split from the Iranian Communist Party, one of the region’s strongest leftist parties, despite most of its leadership and members supporting his theses. He then formed the Worker-Communist Party of Iran and pushed for the migration of hundreds—if not thousands—of Worker-Communist leaders, cadres, and members from Iraq and Iran to Western countries for various reasons. This inflicted a severe blow on the Worker-Communist current and the broader Iraqi and Iranian left.
2. He established a totalitarian organizational culture, emphasizing personalities—especially his own—to the point of idolization within Worker-Communist Parties. The space for debate and dissent was extremely limited and often met with organizational measures. Disagreements were resolved through expulsion, resignation pressure, or splits. Party congresses were largely ceremonial, lacking collective party intellect and dominated by a select group. I recall that in the second congress of the Iranian Worker-Communist Party, over 70% of the time was allocated to Mansoor Hekmat’s speeches and interventions.
3. This stunted the organizational development and collective intellect within these parties and contributed significantly to factional, personal, and internal conflicts, leading to major, ongoing splits that severely weakened them.
4. He entrenched an exclusionary attitude toward other Marxist and leftist forces both within and outside the Worker-Communist Parties. This was based on a monopoly over “absolute leftist truth,” and a refusal to engage in pluralistic dialogue or joint work.
5. He imposed a relationship of absolute subordination of the Iraqi party to the Iranian party—and to himself—through the adoption of his theories and political lines. This led the Iraqi Worker-Communist Party into uneven and exhausting military and political confrontations. The relationship resembled that between the Soviet Union and its subordinate communist parties.
Due to this political and organizational direction, weak party-building, institutionalism, and prevailing personalism, along with poor mechanisms for managing debate and dissent, the Worker-Communist current underwent many and repeated splits. These include the 1999 defection of a large segment of the leadership of the Iranian Worker-Communist Party, including two of its four founders and dozens of cadres. A group also split from the Iraqi party in 1997 to form what is now the “Union of Communists in Iraq.”[5]
After Mansoor Hekmat’s death, major conflicts erupted within the Worker-Communist current. The Iranian party split significantly in 2004 due to internal elite and organizational disputes between the Hamid Taqvaee and Koorosh Modarresi factions. In reality, this was likely a nationalistic and personal power struggle between Persians and Kurds within the Iranian party. Most Kurds, through the party’s Kurdistan Region Organization, aligned with Modarresi’s faction, which now consists of over 95% Kurdish members. Instead of denouncing the split and defending party unity, the Iraqi Worker-Communist Party quickly sided with Modarresi’s faction, likely due to the dominant Kurdish orientation in the Iraqi party at the time and close political and personal ties with the Modarresi camp. They formed the “Hekmatist Worker-Communist Party of Iran,”[6] severed ties with the original Iranian Worker-Communist Party (Hamid Taqvaee’s line), and engaged in a bitter ideological and organizational war that resembled tribal feuds in its political and personal degradation.
Despite sharing the same narrow Marxist tradition—Hekmatism—and the same party program (“A Better World”), the Iraqi party itself experienced a split, resulting in the formation of the “Left Worker-Communist Party of Iraq” in 2004.[7] In 2008, the Kurdistan Region Organization of the Iraqi party split voluntarily to form the “Worker-Communist Party of Kurdistan,”[8] though they maintain strong mutual ties. Unfortunately, the wave of splits continues, especially on the Iranian side, with near-destructive effects on the movement.
Despite major intellectual and organizational advances, including in leadership and management mechanisms within Worker-Communist parties—particularly in Iraq—it is time to seriously reassess Hekmatism and Worker Communism. A fundamental critique is needed—both of achievements and failures—to rebuild and unify the Worker-Communist front in Iraq and Iran. This includes condemning destructive, unjustified splits, recognizing in practice the plurality of leftist platforms inside and outside the party, and opening up to other Marxist and leftist currents and to scientific and intellectual development. Only then can the parties halt their political and organizational decline, adopt more realistic and rational policies suitable for our societies, and work more seriously on coordination and cooperation with other leftist forces.
I believe that while Koorosh Modarresi continues to lead problematic and condemnable splits, he is also presenting important reformist political views that go beyond Hekmatism—even if still under its name—due to the strong hold the term retains over many followers, which in some cases unfortunately resembles sectarian religious dogma, albeit under leftist labels.
Nevertheless, the Worker-Communist Parties of Iraq, Kurdistan, and the Left remain among the most principled, bold, and clear political forces defending civil and secular rights, workers’ and women’s rights, and the socialist alternative. They have taken honorable positions against the corruption and tyranny of nationalist and religious powers in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region. I had the great honor of working with them for over ten years through the “Communist Current” organization, which I joined in 1990 alongside most members of “March 31 Organization” of the Iraqi Communist Party, one of its largest underground factions inside Iraq. I led it for several years. Many Arab leaders of Worker Communism were members or cadres of “March 31.” In 1993, I joined the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq but resigned in 2000 due to ongoing political, ideological, and organizational differences. Nevertheless, based on my concept of “compound membership” and the open-minded methodology of “digital leftism,” I still consider myself a member of the party and am proud of it.

Footnotes
[1] Communist Current Organization: Founded in the 1980s in Iraqi Kurdistan by Kurdish leftist groups, with limited activity in central and southern Iraq.
[2] Iranian Communist Party: Not to be confused with the Tudeh Party; founded in 1983 from the merger of the Kurdish leftist Komala organization and several Iranian leftist groups, notably the Union of Communist Militants.
[3] Worker-Communist Party of Iran: Founded in 1992 by Mansoor Hekmat, Iraj Azarin, Reza Moqaddam, and Koorosh Modarresi as a split from the Iranian Communist Party.
[4] Worker-Communist Party of Iraq: Founded in 1993 from the merger of four Worker-Communist organizations—Communist Current, Worker-Communist Struggle Union, Worker’s Perspective, and the League for the Liberation of the Iraqi Working Class.
[5] Union of Communists in Iraq: Founded in 1997 after a split from the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq under the name “Emergence Movement of Communist Workers Party - Iraq.”
[6] Hekmatist Worker-Communist Party of Iran: Formed in 2004 by the Koorosh Modarresi faction. Recently, it split into two factions both using the same name.
[7] Left Worker-Communist Party of Iraq: Also founded in 2004. It supported Hamid Taqvaee’s line and split from the Iraqi party after most of its leadership endorsed and supported Koorosh Modarresi’s break from the Iranian party.
[8] Worker-Communist Party of Kurdistan: Formed in 2008 as a voluntary split from the Iraqi party to serve as a Kurdistan-specific organization. The two parties maintain very strong ties.

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Prospects of Worker Communism in Iraq – Part Two
Published in Arabic on 1 July 2013

A dialogue with the dear comrades in the Worker-Communist Parties of Iraq and Iran – Part Two
At the outset, I extend my heartfelt thanks and appreciation to all who contributed to the discussion on the first part of this topic. I believe it is a necessary and important dialogue concerning one of the key leftist currents in Iraq and Iran.

The Program and the Party Statute

The Worker-Communist Party of Iran[2] introduced the "A Better World" program in 1994 as the party s program, and the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq[3] adopted it in 1998, with slight modifications, without much regard for the major differences between the Iraqi and Iranian contexts. To my knowledge, no amendments have been made to it thus far despite the significant transformations that have occurred in Iraq on various levels, especially after the fall of the Ba athist fascist regime. It is necessary to review the party program at every congress in light of the changes taking place in society and the balance of class forces, involving the party’s collective intellect and benefiting from external interaction in its drafting, discussion, and approval.
The statute is the constitution of the party, defining its goals, internal principles and rules, the rights and duties of its members, the working systems of its bodies and organizations, and its internal and external relations. However, up to now, the parties of the Worker-Communist current—particularly in Iraq—do not possess a well-ordered, coherent, and integrated internal statute that defines the party’s structure and rights and powers. Instead, it is scattered in decisions, various additions, and personal articles, etc. I believe this represents a major organizational weakness and reflects a flaw in institutional party building, and I believe it has a negative impact on internal organizational relationships and mechanisms. The statute must be clear and precise in defining membership conditions, rights and duties, the responsibilities and powers of various party bodies, detailed mechanisms for leadership and decision-making, and the holding of congresses and conferences, etc. I find it extremely necessary to address these deficiencies in the nearest congress.

Leadership Based Abroad!!

From my political, organizational, and personal experience with Worker-Communists, I see that they have active, competent, and highly dedicated leaders, cadres, and members to their cause and principles. They could have become one of the influential parties in Iraq—or at least in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq![4] It seems to me that one of the important reasons this did not happen is the departure and presence of most of their influential leadership and cadres abroad—in Western countries—which has had a significant impact on their political discourse, party and organizational performance, and mass presence inside Iraq.
I believe that the political and security circumstances in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region at the present stage are relatively suitable for the presence of political leadership inside the country, as external leadership is not only a mistaken and negative practice but a deception of the party s masses, members, and even those "leaders" themselves before anyone else! Unfortunately, I see that most of these leaders have played the greatest role in deepening elitist and factional conflicts, participating in and justifying splits within and outside their parties. Many of them have entrenched individualism, personality cults, leader deification, narcissism, and bureaucracy because they are far removed from real political, economic, and social struggle within their societies and are more concerned with their party positions above all else. Although I fully believe in the importance and role of international solidarity and struggle, the level of political confusion and arrogance, and evasion of fieldwork inside their countries, has reached the point where some of them believe that, from Europe—the outside—they will lead and guide the revolutions of Arab workers and leftists, Egypt being a model, and arm them with the Worker-Communist perspective and the ideas of Mansoor Hekmat, because in their view, the absence of that is one of the main reasons for the weakness of leftist forces in the Arab world! As if this current has highly successful and influential experiences in Iraq and Iran, and it is necessary to use their limited party and political energies—currently!—to transfer them to other countries for their benefit.
Schisms and the Mentality of Magnifying Points of Difference While Belittling and Dismissing Points of Convergence!
In the first part of my text, I addressed the destructive schisms in the Worker-Communist current. Unfortunately, two new cases of “splits” occurred after the publication of the first part, where Koorosh Modarresi and a group of leaders and cadres split from the Hekmatist Worker-Communist Party of Iran[5] and formed a new party under the same name. Additionally, political conflicts and a kind of complete rupture began between the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq and the Worker-Communist Party of Kurdistan[6] and the Hekmatist Worker-Communist Party of Iran – official line.
While some political disagreements exist—and these are very normal in a contemporary leftist party with multiple platforms and democratic mechanisms—I believe that the recent schisms, like the previous ones, are fundamentally the result of factional and personal struggles over positions and influence among some leaders, and not rooted in any real material social basis connected to the struggles of the workers and toilers of Iraq and Iran.
Regrettably, the immature stance of most leaders of the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq and the Worker-Communist Party of Kurdistan has been practically expressed in their support for the new Koorosh Modarresi split, which certainly will not be the last! Instead of defending party legitimacy and the majority within the Iranian party and its unity, they claimed to be “neutral!” but in reality supported the minority split faction of Koorosh Modarresi, and the current rupture with the Hekmatist Worker-Communist Party of Iran – official line proves this. Thus, they repeated the grave mistake of 2004 when they supported Koorosh Modarresi’s previous split from the Iranian Worker-Communist Party.
Sadly, the Worker-Communists in Iraq and Iran, through their continuous schisms and conflicts, have clearly embodied a mentality of magnifying differences while ridiculing and minimizing points of agreement—within their parties and movement. In my view, this is due to several reasons, including:
1. Their failure to achieve tangible and influential accomplishments on the ground by turning the issues adopted in their programs and documents into public causes embraced by the masses, leading to stagnation, organizational and mass retreat, discontent, apathy, and large-scale resignations.
2. Weak connection with the actual social reality of workers, the toiling classes, and the general public, and the presence of many of their leaders and cadres abroad.
3. Serious deficiencies in collective institutional party work, mechanisms for managing dialogue and disagreement, and clearly defining the rights of party majorities and minorities, reflecting an evident weakness in the development and maturity of political consciousness as party leadership and institutions.
4. The entrenchment and dominance of factional traditions and old negative sensitivities within this current to this day, creating an environment and motives for easy schism, leading to political and even personal hostility, mutual accusations, and transforming “comrades of yesterday!” overnight into enemies of the left and communism, aligned with the right and ruling regimes, etc.—as used by fanatics to exclude and tarnish the reputation of those who disagree with them. Instead of a civilized, democratic, and mature dialogue on differences or contradictions—which do not qualify as major contradictions that necessitate splits and ruptures—we find that common points and agreements make up more than 90% of the programs and policies of the conflicting parties within this current[7].
Based on the above, I believe that the ongoing schisms in the Worker-Communist current amount to a kind of slow suicide! I fear they will lead to gradual dissolution. In reality, they are necessary for some leaders to justify “their existence” and bolster their positions and roles! And to preoccupy party bases with marginal conflicts in order to implicitly evade the real communist work and their responsibilities within Iraqi and Iranian societies.

Guest at the Congress of the Hekmatist Worker-Communist Party of Iran

By official invitation from the Political Bureau of the Hekmatist Worker-Communist Party of Iran, I recently attended the party’s sixth congress as a guest.
It was an opportunity to learn more about Worker Communism and its latest developments, particularly in Iran. Although the Persian language of the congress limited our ability to follow proceedings precisely, the dear comrades did their best to translate for us into Kurdish.
I delivered a speech in Arabic at the congress, with parts translated into Persian. The text of the speech is as follows:
"Dear comrades of the Hekmatist Worker-Communist Party of Iran, I extend warm greetings on the occasion of your sixth party congress, held under extremely complex internal and external circumstances facing the struggle of communists and leftists of all factions in Iran and the world. I also express my sincere thanks to you and to the comrades in the Political Bureau for inviting me to your congress. I appreciate this transparency and democratic approach, especially the live streaming of the congress proceedings on the internet.
Worker-Communists in Iran and Iraq have been among the most prominent defenders of civil, secular, labor, and women s rights, among others. They are some of the most principled and courageous political forces, taking honorable stands against the ruling regimes and nationalist and religious reactionary forces, with a clear socialist alternative.
Frankly, I very much wished that our dear comrades Hamid Taqvaee, Koorosh Modarresi, Iraj Azarin, Yanar Mohammed, Muayyad Ahmed, Essam Shukri... and others from the Iraqi and Iranian Worker-Communist factions had been present, alongside representatives of other Iranian and global leftist and communist factions attending the congress.
Dear comrades, what do I expect from the outcomes of your sixth congress?
1. A re-evaluation of Hekmatism and Worker Communism—critically assessing the experience intellectually, politically, and organizationally, acknowledging both its strengths and weaknesses, and opening up broadly to diverse Marxist and leftist currents, as well as scientific and intellectual development, in order to stop the serious political and organizational decline of the Worker-Communist current in Iran and Iraq.
2. A comprehensive reassessment of the ongoing destructive splits in the Worker-Communist parties, accompanied by a practical and flexible initiative to unify the Worker-Communist ranks across factions into a single unified party with modern mechanisms for managing dialogue and disagreement, and under collective leadership.
3. A coherent Worker-Communist Party that works to build a broad leftist alliance with other progressive forces in Iran, with an important role in a broader secular democratic alliance.
4. The development and democratization of the party statute, to allow for greater party democracy, transparency, institutionalism, leadership rotation, acceptance of diverse platforms and ideological-organizational interpretations within the party, based on majority-minority principles, while all adhere to the party’s general line—the majority line.
5. A new leadership in which youth and women play a tangible role, and a greater focus on effective fieldwork within Iranian society and broader participation in daily workers and toilers struggles and protests against the fascist Islamic regime. I also point here to the importance of studying and learning from the experiences of the Arab left after the revolutionary uprisings that swept the region, especially the Tunisian and Egyptian left.
In conclusion, I wish my dear comrades in the Hekmatist Worker-Communist Party of Iran a successful congress, and I hope its resolutions and outcomes will have a positive impact not only on your party and its development but also on the broader Worker-Communist current in Iran and the overall leftist movement in the region.
Although I have clear political and organizational differences with you, that does not prevent me from saying: Long live Worker Communism in all its factions, as one of the progressive revolutionary currents in the Middle East.
Thank you for granting me a portion of your valuable congress time. I wish you every success."

Prospects of Worker Communism in Iraq

I have repeatedly pointed out that, despite their shortcomings and existing errors, Worker-Communists remain one of the boldest, most honest, and most revolutionary leftist currents in Iraq. They have played an important and significant role in various political, theoretical, social, and economic positions. They are among the most prominent defenders of secularism, citizenship, freedoms, social justice, human rights, and women s rights and equality. They had promising horizons and great opportunities to develop, expand, and become influential political forces. Unfortunately, much of that has not been achieved to date, for various reasons, some of which I have already mentioned. I believe the opportunity still exists, and the objective conditions are very favorable.
Out of my commitment and appreciation for this esteemed current and its militant parties, I would like to present a few proposals in addition to what I offered earlier to my dear comrades in the Hekmatist Worker-Communist Party of Iran:
1. Worker-Communists have a radical revolutionary program for rebuilding Iraqi society. Since 2003, their political discourse has become more rational and realistic. However, generally speaking, it remains ideologically driven and focused on revolutionary slogans, repeating Mansoor Hekmat’s theses, and based more on what is theoretically desirable than what is practically possible on the ground. I believe the scientific method for implementing such a comprehensive societal transformation under current conditions and class balances is weak or unclear. Thus, I see the need for greater reliance on the dialectical scientific method, an understanding of reality, and awareness of changes in the nature of society to analyze and formulate the party’s program and policies. This includes drawing on researchers, specialists, and research centers across various fields, as well as incorporating mass feedback through diverse means of engagement. Worker-Communists urgently need a serious assessment of their political discourse and program and an analysis of the reasons behind their stagnation. I see positive and serious efforts by some of the leaders and theorists of this current toward more rational political positions in addressing Iraqi realities and proposing practical alternatives for change.
2. There is a need to reunify the Iraqi Worker-Communist house and to open an unconditional dialogue between the factions and individuals who have split from one another, as a step toward merging into a unified Worker-Communist Party that would be a central component of a broader Iraqi leftist alliance. Such a party must act responsibly in its dealings with all the conflicting Iranian Worker-Communist factions, in the interest of the region’s broader left.
3. I believe it is very important that a clear clause be included in the internal statutes of Worker-Communist parties requiring that members of the leadership—political bureau, central committee, and other leadership bodies—spend at least 80%–90% of the year in Iraq, depending on security conditions, and that they participate in the party’s daily field operations. No candidate should be accepted for a leadership position in the future if they are permanently based abroad, except in very rare, necessary cases. Party leadership in a Marxist party is not an honorary position or a personal distinction, nor is it property registered to individuals due to their political history or any other reason. It is a serious and precise responsibility requiring the capacity and commitment to achieve the party’s goals and policies. Thus, I believe that any leadership member unable to serve due to personal, family, or professional reasons should resign and pass the role to another comrade present in Iraq.
4. Emphasis must be placed on the class origin of those occupying leadership roles. There must be efforts to develop and highlight new cadres and leaders who emerge from and are with the masses, leading and participating in gatherings, protests, demonstrations, strikes, etc. That is the natural and real place for any communist leader, regardless of their background. It is also necessary to study the reasons behind the party’s weak mass base and propose practical plans and alternatives to address this, strengthening its organizational foundations, especially among the working classes. The objective circumstances are highly favorable, given widespread public dissatisfaction and resentment toward the ruling corrupt and authoritarian elites in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region.
5. Worker-Communists have played a notable role in defending women s rights and equality. Women have had a relatively significant presence in Worker-Communist party leadership compared to other Iraqi leftist factions. Unfortunately, this positive phenomenon appears to be declining. I therefore see the need to establish a gradually increasing quota for women within the party and to mandate rotation of leadership roles between men and women, while working toward the intensive intellectual, political, and organizational empowerment of the party’s female cadres and members.
6. Consideration should be given to changing the names of the parties. The inclusion of terms like "communist," "worker," or "leftist" in the party name does not necessarily mean the party is truly Marxist or representative of the working masses or offers a credible alternative for societal change. What matters most in evaluating any political party is its real work on the ground and the extent of its contribution and impact in changing the lives of workers, the poor, and society at large for the better.
7. Greater participation is needed in strengthening and supporting the independence of labor unions and mass organizations. Efforts should be made to merge the mass organizations—currently party fronts for various leftist factions—into strong, unified organizations specialized in popular demands and struggles, while keeping them as far as possible from ideological and political disputes among the leftist and progressive forces.
8. Greater integration is needed with the broader history of the Iraqi communist movement, which dates back to the early 20th century—not only from the emergence of the Worker-Communist current in the late 1980s in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. There must be active participation in commemorating Iraqi communist and leftist milestones, such as Communist Martyrs Day, March 31 (founding of Iraq’s first communist party), and broader coordination with other leftist and progressive factions during strikes, demonstrations, and mass protests. There should be joint, unified celebrations of key occasions like May Day (International Workers’ Day)[9] and March 8 (International Women’s Day).
9. More practical flexibility is needed in enhancing coordination and joint work among Iraqi leftist forces, and an initiative should be proposed based on accepting the plurality of platforms within the left. Worker-Communists are the second most significant leftist force after the Iraqi Communist Party, which, based on facts, does not appear convinced or willing to pursue a broad leftist alliance at present[10]. Instead, it focuses on the “Democratic Current” as an alternative and has no practically positive stance toward other Iraqi leftist factions—especially those that criticize its policies. Nevertheless, I believe it is essential to strengthen dialogue, coordination, and cooperation between the Worker-Communist current, the Iraqi Communist Party, the Democratic Current[11], and the Joint Leftist Action Committee[12], etc.
10. More development is needed in mechanisms for involving party members in determining its policies. Enriching and evolving the party’s political discourse must be the responsibility of all party members and cadres, not just its leadership bodies. Therefore, enabling member participation in policy formulation is necessary and important. The party must create the appropriate internal conditions for this and foster a spirit of initiative and creative analysis among members. Party referendums should be used to decide key and pivotal matters, and there should be better platforms for intellectual dialogue and managing disagreements, holding congresses, and abolishing “internal bulletins”[13] related to internal party dialogue.
11. The party’s media operations must be further developed by merging all existing outlets into one unified, strong media body, with greater focus on digital media and its tools, and allocating more resources for this purpose. Scientific studies (target audience, cost, feedback forms, surveys inside and outside the party, feasibility analysis, etc.) must be conducted on how to develop the party’s media—particularly its website and central newspaper—so they become powerful and diverse public institutions. Furthermore, their platforms must be opened to different tendencies within the party, as well as to various leftist and secular writers outside the party, including views critical of communism and the left.
12. ......


Footnotes:
[1] The Worker-Communist current consists of a group of Marxist parties in Iraq and Iran that adhere to the ideas of the Iranian thinker Mansoor Hekmat. Most were formed in the late 20th century.
[2] Worker-Communist Party of Iran: Founded in 1992 by Mansoor Hekmat, Iraj Azarin, Reza Moqaddam, and Koorosh Modarresi, through a split from the Communist Party of Iran.
[3] Worker-Communist Party of Iraq: Founded in 1993 through the merger of four Worker-Communist organizations: Communist Current, Worker-Communist Struggle Union, Workers’ View, and the League for the Liberation of the Iraqi Working Class.
[4] The Worker-Communist Party of Iraq had a strong and influential presence in most cities of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in the 1990s.
[5] Hekmatist Worker-Communist Party of Iran: Founded in 2004 as a split from the Worker-Communist Party of Iran. Recently split again into two factions with the same name.
[6] Worker-Communist Party of Kurdistan: Founded in 2008 as a voluntary geographic-ethnic split from the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq to become a party specific to Iraqi Kurdistan. The two parties maintain very strong relations.
[7] All Worker-Communist parties in Iraq and Iran adhere to Hekmatism—Mansoor Hekmat’s ideas—and share a nearly unified party program: A Better World.
[8] Names of some leaders of Iraqi and Iranian Worker-Communist parties who are currently, unfortunately, in conflict and rupture with the Hekmatist Worker-Communist Party of Iran – official line.
[9] Iraqi leftist factions and their labor organizations—party fronts—celebrate May Day separately! I believe this is a mistake and contributes to division within the Iraqi working class and weakens its unity and struggle capabilities.
[10] The Iraqi Communist Party theoretically expresses, through its leaders’ statements, willingness to coordinate and work jointly with Iraqi leftist factions, but has yet to propose any initiative or take practical steps in that direction.
[11] The Democratic Current: An alliance of leftist and progressive Iraqi parties and figures, including the Iraqi Communist Party, the National Party (both wings), the Nation Party, the National Labor Party... and many independent figures.
[12] The Joint Iraqi Leftist Action Committee: A coordination and joint action alliance consisting of the Union of Communists in Iraq, Iraqi National Leftist Current, Democratic Left Movement in Iraq (HAYD), and leftist Marxist figures inside and outside Iraq.
[13] Internal bulletins are an outdated, non-transparent totalitarian method rendered obsolete by the internet and social media. Unfortunately, many leftist and communist parties still use them to disseminate internal ideological and political debates. Generally, they are used to publish dissenting views—sometimes these dissenting views are not even published if they are too critical—while opinions aligned with the official line are highlighted in public media. Treating political and intellectual discussions as internal matters effectively prevents party members from learning about diverse views and debates within the party and deprives the public of exposure to dissenting opinions, thereby weakening societal engagement and oversight.

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