Botan Zębarî
2025 / 6 / 4
From the mountains of Aleppo to the plains of Daraa, amid the rubble of what was once called a homeland, new maps are being drawn. But these maps are not shaped by the hands of its people—they are sketched with intelligence agency pencils, inked with self-interest, and signed by trembling fingers gripped by the weight of history. The Syrian crisis is not just an internal conflict. It is an existential test—one that lays bare the fragility of narratives and shows how geography can be turned into a frontline for settling global scores.
Amid the fractured landscape of today’s Syria, a startling development emerges: the integration of thousands of Uyghur Turkistani fighters—those who fled Chinese prisons only to find trenches in Idlib—into what’s called the Syrian National Army. This decision, beneath its military surface, raises questions that bleed like open wounds: How did men once labeled as dangerous extremists become, overnight, "brothers-in-arms"? Have the facts truly changed,´-or-are we merely repainting faces to match the palette of international backers? And is the "National Army" really Syrian now—or just a rented brigade serving the agendas of Washington, Ankara, and Tel Aviv?
We’re not simply looking at a military maneuver here-;- this is a cosmetic operation to beautify a disfigured chapter in the global jihad playbook. The Uyghurs—once victims of Chinese oppression—were exploited by Turkey as bargaining chips with Beijing. Now, they’re being discarded into the Syrian wasteland. A gift from Ankara to China, ironically delivered through an American gate, and even more strangely, under Pentagon supervision. So is this really a national Syrian army?´-or-a hybrid force deployed for objectives that have nothing to do with Syria,´-or-its revolution?
Let’s be honest: Who made this decision? Was it Ahmad al-Shar’a, waving the banner of transparency like a messianic figure?´-or-was it the White House, suddenly discovering that these so-called extremists could be rebranded for a new story—"confronting China"? And who’s to say this battalion, built on a solid ideological foundation, won’t evolve into another Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham—only this time with an even tighter bond to international intelligence services?
The bitter truth is that Syria has become an open testing ground for multi-dimensional strategies. China is being encircled through the Syrian front, using Uyghur fighters as pawns. Israel is implementing its vision of “shared security” with a “New Syria.” The United States is building a new bridge toward Asia, one that starts from the outskirts of Idlib. Even Pakistan and India have a share in this geographic madness, as the Uyghur cause is weaponized to ignite more conflicts—pulling the Islamic world further away from Jerusalem and Gaza. The "enemy" is being redesigned—with Chinese features, this time.
And what’s truly nauseating is watching some Syrians align themselves with this geo-security engineering, presenting it as a “strategic opportunity”´-or-even a “military gain.” As if Syrian blood had become so cheap that camps and bases are handed over to anyone who shows up, all under the pretense of defending the "revolution." But what kind of revolution replaces a dictator with a militia programmed by regional agendas? Did the cries of Daraa ever call for the arming of Uyghurs by Washington?
The real catastrophe, however, lies in selling this whole game as part of a normalization process with Israel—under the excuse of “common enemies.” Are we really supposed to believe that China and Iran are now more dangerous than Bashar al-Assad and the Ba’ath Party? Has collective memory melted so quickly? How do we explain these “transparent” calls for security cooperation with Tel Aviv, as if Palestine has already been erased from Syrian hearts?
What’s unfolding is a sinister remix of the Afghan experience: the use of armed Islam against communism, jihad rebranded for the benefit of empire. But this time, the game is more cunning. Syria was not consulted—it was dragged, forcibly, into other people’s trenches. And the so-called "84th Battalion"? It is merely the spearhead of this plan: an army with Uyghur arms, American minds, and Israeli oversight, sneaking into Syria’s core to turn Aleppo, Daraa, and Idlib into extensions of a high-tech, economic war between Beijing and Washington.
And then what? Some Western estimates claim Syria is now closer to normalizing with Israel than any other Arab state—because, allegedly, 40% of the population “wouldn’t mind.” This is a grotesque marketing of a utilitarian mindset that lacks cultural depth´-or-historical awareness. It stems not from conviction but from exhaustion. Any people crushed by hunger and loss can be pushed to accept almost anything—even from the hand of their enemy. But history is not written with exhaustion alone—it requires clarity.
Syria today doesn’t need more ideological speeches. It needs a moment of moral clarity. Yes, sometimes necessity imposes bitter decisions—but it is shameful to repackage them as moral victories. The Uyghurs are not angels. Nor are they innocent tools. And Syrian blood must not be exchanged for jihadist slogans against Beijing, nor sold in the “smart deals” market between Ankara, Washington, and Tel Aviv.
If we failed to stop the war, then let us at least succeed in telling the truth. Let us write our own history—not let others write it for us. Let us honor our torn and buried souls more than we honor foreign agendas. Because a day may come when we’re asked: Why did you turn Syria into a laboratory for maps, instead of a homeland for dignity?
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