The Federal Republic of Syria

Syria, federal, decentralization, the political system included between the dialectic of rejection and acceptance, and which leads to questions with skeptic and naive backgrounds: opposition and supporter, the system rejected by most dictatorial states and among them the occupying countries of Kurdistan, and on which all civilized countries´-or-who wish to develop their societies are based:
So why not present it as a substitute for the current regime of the next Syria? Why are Syrian Arab organizations and parties not convinced that federalism is the most appropriate system for coexistence between the Arab and Kurdish peoples and other minorities in Syria? And why does a certain segment of the Arab component reject it? Despite their awareness and knowledge of the advantages of this type of system, questions that the current Syrian authority refuses to answer´-or-dialogue with, and with it a wide segment of the Arab opposition, and the patriotism hesitates? Her rage is for two workers:
First, because the Kurds will obtain the benefits of the people-;- the second nationalism in Syria, as owned by the Arab people, will be recognized within the constitution, although they realize that this will lead to the formation of a civilized, democratic country with a prominent position within the global bodies, and will lead to stability between Syrian society.
And the second, because the authority will lose a lot of its tyranny, and thus will be held accountable with the Arab takfirist opposition for what it committed, and for destruction, looting and corruption, at least in the areas where the federal system will be applied.
And Southwest Federal Kurdistan, why did self-management abandon it as a requirement within Syria and in international forums? And the Kurdish National Council put it in a hazy, political manner-;- between their presence within the Kurdish community´-or-their media, and in their sessions with the Syrian coalition and the supreme body of negotiations? Did she not yet dare present it to the Constitution Committee as a main item for the Kurdish demand?
The first, i.e., self-management will lose some of its gains with the other parties of the Kurdish movement, and lose its influence with a segment of the Arab forces dealing with them, and most importantly this step must abandon the ideology of the democratic nation, on the basis of which the Kurdish people injustice in southwestern Kurdistan a lot, as And they have to deal with the Arab component (Al-Ghumayrun) used by the Baath and the two Assad powers previously in the course of the demographic change of Kurdistan, in a realistic and transparent manner.
And the second, i.e. the Aksi, will lose the same aura surrounding it,´-or-what the Kurdistan region has provided them as a representative of the Kurdish people-;- and it will also have to confront the society transparently about its external relations with the Syrian opposition´-or-the countries concerned with the Syrian issue, and will enter into -dir-ect conflict with the opposition coalition, as It will lose its political weight with the Syrian opposition forces, and more importantly, it will face the possibility of an embargo from the opposition s host country, Turkey.
In both cases, and after the Kurdish movement, in its entirety and including the two mentioned parties, has not adopted this requirement as a major project, the Kurdish people will lose most of their gains, and accordingly they will retreat to what we would like us to have major powers like Russia, perhaps with a mini-self-management and-limit-ed powers-;- in areas with a Kurdish majority, after contentment The occupying powers of Kurdistan, and this loss will happen against the background of disagreements and negligence built by the two parties of the Kurdish movement, who have external support to be representatives of the Kurdish people (Tfem Dam and Al-Aksi).
We will not discuss the benefits that this system will bring to Syrian society, nor the number of countries that it espouses, including the major ones in the world, nor the number of peoples and minorities that live under federal constitutions, and who have full rights as a nation without having their own states, they are known to all, and everyone is aware The extent of its relevance to the Syrian reality, the homeland, which embraces within its geography a contradictory parallel of peoples, religions and sects.
Rather, we will talk about Syria, and the benefits that the people and minorities within this country will gain, if the federal system is implemented there.
Rare are the homelands that resemble Syria in terms of national and sectarian diversity, despite its appearance and the form imposed upon us, without the will of all its components, but it has continued, as Syria is a homeland for all, and it has remained coherent and for a century, and it was known as a country that embraces people and doctrines treated in degrees, to It turned into Arab Syria, and day after day the erosion increased from the inside, and the political-cultural conflicts worsened year after year, until they reached their climax in the reigns of Assad the father and the son, as an extension of the former totalitarian parties and authorities.
In the early stages of its formation, after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the emergence of French colonialism, democracy had a foothold between the three authorities, despite the existence of Arab racist parties such as the People s Party, which ruled in the early fifties, but the Kurdish people and sectarian minorities had something of the ability to maintain Self-arrests were rarely made against the national´-or-sectarian background, and were even ruled by Kurdish presidents and ministers, and they played important roles in the beginnings of its history, but the equation overturned and for a short period of time, with the prevalence of racist concepts related to the coming of Nasiriyah, so the national demands As for the racism of Arab nationalism, everyone became suspicious of the truth of the homeland,´-or-seeing Syria as an inclusive national state, so these actions in return contributed in-dir-ectly to the emergence of the opposing forces, and thus the emergence of nationalist and sectarian demands, as opposed to the Arab racists and the hatred of the Sunni Islamic component, and escalated with time and powerfully, despite the Manifestations of tyranny.
The last stage of Arab tyranny led to research on the quality of power and how to -restore- collapsed national concepts, and it became among the most controversial issues on the Syrian street, yet national, international´-or-religious demands remained hazy, and the vision of political forces incubating it was not clear with its projects, Even the Communist Party, which was most explicit in its ideology, had no clear vision of what the people wanted and what they should do-;- rather than spreading the class struggle Between society and especially among the Kurdish people, just as the confused Kurdish parties remained hesitant between cultural´-or-political cultural rights, and there was a lack of clarity in the demands´-or-lack of boldness in publishing them, such as demanding to manage their region, either the federal system within a decentralized authority,´-or-similar to this requirement was in the rule Nothingness even years ago.
This ambiguity prevailed among the Kurdish parties until the beginning of the current century, for several reasons, including the lack of political awareness, and most importantly, the lack of daring to confront the security authority-;- and they had a logical argument in addition to the domination of the Arab political and cultural movement with its concepts on the scene, and the dissemination of racist ideas supported by The parties that came to power like the people, Nasserism, and then the Baath, in return for the lack of Kurdish awareness of their issue, history, and geography, leading to lack of boldness in presenting the alternative federal system to the current one even after the passage of years of the Syrian revolution, and swept it off its path, and these were among the reasons that Kurdish parties opposed the federal demand made by the Kurdistan-Syria Council, which was formed after the Washington conferences and the final conference in Belgium in 2006 AD, and even after everyone participated in the conference (except for the Kurdish Democratic Party, and it was against a personal background, along with their submission to foreign orders) and all The parties formed the parliament, even though they participated in writing everything until the closing statement, and the federation was the unspoken reason for their distance from the Kurdistan-Syrian National Council.
The stage prior to the Syrian revolution, when it was a revolution with its slogans, was the starting point that was made clear from its threshold-;- a wide segment of Arabs have the logical demands of the Kurdish people, and because they were exposed to the homeland that the next Syria, which is federalism, should lead to intimidating the occupying authorities of Kurdistan Like Iran and Turkey, and the demolition of the interests of the anti-patriotic forces, sharp confrontations arose against the project and the federal system, and therefore against the Kurdish movement demanding this system, so the Kurdistan National Council - Syria was among the most exposed to attack, especially from countries and parties that opposed the regime A Federal as an alternative to the totalitarian central system.
Despite the succession of stages and quickly, and the circulation of civilizational concepts on the scene afterwards, the hesitation remained dominant over seeing not only the Arab majority but also some Kurdish parties, especially when attending the Kurdish issue at the level of the decentralized federal system, and such a position still dominates the component Sunni when attending the issue of other schools of thought, such as the Druze, the Alevis, Ismailis,´-or-Muslims in general, when the issue of freedom of other religions, such as Christianity, Judaism, Yazidis, and others, is brought up.
Therefore, without a federal, decentralized Syria, there will not be a homeland, the tyranny of the Arab authorities will continue, and the distinction between the components of the homeland will remain, and geography will remain subject to external interference, and they will manipulate the fate of its peoples, and therefore we do not exclude the continuity of civil wars from time to time, and will create with the passage of time the appropriate conditions for partition .

Dr. Mahmoud Abbas
UniProbateted States of America
[email protected]
2/2/2020

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